2026-10-08

What is History? What is Story? Is there a Difference?

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by Neil Godfrey

memorandum
Nicholas Chevalier – Memorandum of the Start of the Exploring Expedition

A couple of days ago I sat in on what I expected to be a “history class” for adults. I had expected to find deep discussions of problems arising from researching primary sources, or from how one should construct a narrative to present one’s findings. I was seriously disappointed.

What I encountered was a couple of dozen persons happily listening to presentations about historical figures that we had all learned about in Primary School. The first was about the career of John Flynn (founder of the Royal Flying Doctor Service) Flynn of the Inland, the pioneer of the Royal Flying Doctor Service who established the life-saving (medical, educational, social) aerial services to the outback; the second was about those (in)famous and ill-fated explorers, Burke and Wills.

The Flynn presentation was given by a distant relative of Flynn, and the narrative was just as heroic, inspiring, and proudly nationalistic as we had first learned it in primary school. The Burke and Wills expedition is widely taught as a combination of tragedy and folly, but our new presenter converted it to a comedy of misfits finding themselves way out of their depth: we laughed at the foibles and “rogue characters” involved, but our initial interest had been generated by the story of a tale of heroism and tragedy.

I had expected to be among serious historians. Rather, I found myself among aging school children who had never learned that what they had been taught were comforting myths.

rockflynn
Flynn Memorial (even the boulder has its own history and conflicting perspectives)

As I listened to the well-known story of “Flynn of the Inland” (though supplemented with many new details for the older audience) I began to wonder about how many other ways the same story could be told. What other histories could be manufactured from the sources?

What if one were to position oneself above the globe for a moment and look down on the imperialist adventures of one portion of the European races finding ways to support white adventurers in the outback of Australia, establishing homesteads to support white run cattle farms on land once assumed to be the homes of the aboriginals. From that perspective we could see Flynn as part of an imperialist program to dispossess the aborigines and paint more of the globe that proud British pink or red.

Or what if we took the viewpoint of Flynn’s spiritual or church backers — those who struggled in vain to rein in their wayward son who began his career with devout intent to convert the indigenous population to Christianity but gradually came to prioritize personal ventures that would redound to his, not God’s, glory?

The “postmodern” perspective of historian Hayden White came to mind. The traditional story of Flynn was here being repeated. It was a glorious tale of adventure, struggle against great odds, recovering from setbacks, doing great things for the white settlers out in those far away “outback” desolate regions. That story was a nationalist romance. But as I suggested above, the story could have been written as a tragedy, as a part of a program that contributed to the displacement of the First Nations. Or a drama of conflict between the spiritual religious roots of Flynn and the final materialistic accomplishments.

And how would we work on verifying the claims of the various sources in our quest to write any of the above episodes?

Similarly for the Burke and Wills story. This one is well known to all Australians. It is told as a tragedy. But our presenter had us laughing at the personal foibles and careless decisions of authorities that led to the “misadventure”. Why do we tell the story in those ways? Why not relate it with a solid dose of outrage at the class snobbery, of disgust at the egotistical proclivities of the authorities and leading members of well-to-do society of the time, of horror at the way bullying egos were ultimately responsible for the deaths of all but one of their party.

My point is that there are different ways of narrating historical events. There are different perspectives through which to see any human actions. There are different attentions to particular moral issues, different ideologies, different personal, social and economic viewpoints.

Someone was telling me recently how different a Japanese novel was from a typical Western one: we are used to plots having resolutions of conflicts at the end but the Japanese work she read did not do this: it finished as it had been read throughout: a world of different perspectives and points of view with no merging of the two or victory of one over the other. The same “historical events” can be written as nationalistic romances, as human tragedies or horror stories, as farcical comedies, as meaningless chronicles.

That’s not how most of us were taught our history in school. We were taught to lionize our heroes, to honour our sacred myths. As a result we often came to deplore other perspectives if ever we encountered them at all.


2026-10-04

“Other criteria are required to determine historicity”

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by Neil Godfrey

fairy
“We may, as we did when we were children, wish a beloved tale were true, but as we got older we had to accept that we must be guided by the evidence alone.”

How can we know if John the Baptist in the gospels was a real historical figure? (This is not the same question as: How can we know if there was a real John the Baptist in history — as indicated by record in the writings of Josephus and the memories of the Mandaeans?)

The question came to mind when I read the article that Tim Widowfield introduced in the previous post:

  • Joynes, Christine E. 2005. “The Returned Elijah? John the Baptist’s Angelic Identity in the Gospel of Mark.” Scottish Journal of Theology 58 (4): 455–67. https://doi.org/10.1017/S003693060500150X

Joynes considers the way John the Baptist is portrayed through Elijah associations in the Gospel of Mark — his hairy clothing and leather belt, his time in the wilderness, his calling people back to God — and how at least one scholar has interpreted this as an indicator of a fictional scenario:

Goulder’s conclusion that the presence of typology indicates lack of historicity is not entirely convincing, since other criteria are required to determine issues of historicity . . .

[I]t is equally possible that John the Baptist really did dress in this way because of his ‘Elijah consciousness’ and that this fact was accurately reported by Mark. This illustrates that the presence of typology is not an adequate basis for determining historicity. Typology is possible within a fictional composition, but its presence does not constitute a fictional composition. (pp. 458, 460)

Three safeguards, then, we have proposed against the abuse of the typological method: the need to supply catenas, and not single instances, of correspondences; the need for the coincidence of actual Greek words between type and antitype, and the rarer the better; and the need for a convincing motive for the evangelist to have composed his work in the way claimed. (Goulder, M. D. 1964. Type and History in Acts. SPCK. p. 10)

I believe there is a missing detail in Joynes’ argument. True, it is “possible” that John the Baptist really did consciously dress up like Elijah. But is it “equally possible” in this context?

The evidence we have before us clearly leads us to understand that the author had the Old Testament Elijah in mind as he drew his picture of John the Baptist. As Goulder indicates, the multiplicity and the distinctiveness or specificity of the parallels along with an evident motive for creating John the Baptist as an Elijah figure, lead the reader to suspect that the account is a literary invention, not genuine history.

That is one side of the ledger.

On the other, we have no details in the Gospel of Mark that take the reader’s vision away from the Elijah typology. Mark’s Baptist functions solely in the way the Old Testament leads us to expect: he arrives on the scene to call people to repentance before the advent of the divine presence, he is the victim of a spiteful royal woman who bends her husband to her will, and so on. There is no other career history for John the Baptist. He is entirely a foil to point to the divine supremacy and presence of Jesus. He has no role independent of Elijah.

So I don’t think we can say that it is “equally possible” that the Gospel of Mark’s John was a historical figure pretending to be Elijah — if we rely entirely on the evidence, which is nothing other than the portrayal of John the Baptist as the expected Elijah. The Gospel offers no evidence that John was anything but a typological figure.

Elsewhere, Michael Goulder does present an account that is a mix of typology and distinct historical actions. Continue reading ““Other criteria are required to determine historicity””


2026-10-02

John the Baptist: God’s Angel or “One Born of Women”?

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by Tim Widowfield

Saint John the Baptist Hand Painted Orthodox Icon 3 240x300
John the Baptist with Two Wings and Two Heads

Until recently, I had never noticed that in some iconographic images of John the Baptist, he is depicted with wings. Often, the icon will show him either holding his own head or standing next to it.

The common explanation within Orthodox Christianity for these unusual features is somewhat reasonable, I suppose. First, the wings simply refer to the Baptist’s angelic life. He is the forerunner not only of the Christ, but of all Christian ascetics who would follow on long after he passed from the scene. But what about the extra head? Well, icons represent the eternal world. The resurrected, transfigured, immortal John is contemplating his own mortal, severed head.

However, we could posit another explanation (at least for the wings), namely that the text of Mark’s Gospel implies that he is indeed an angel of the Lord. Something else I didn’t know until recently was that older Catholic translations like the Douay-Rheims explicitly translate τὸν ἄγγελόν μου as “my angel,” wherein the speaker is clearly God himself.

Of course, more recent careful English translations use the word “messenger” instead of “angel.” This dedication for making scripture say the right thing extends to interlinear translations, where the student of Greek is prudently led to the correct translation without the slightest hint that τὸν ἄγγελόν μου could mean anything but my messenger in this case.

This zealotry for accuracy extends back to the quotation from the book of Malachi. In other cases, when the translators see the term “my angel/messenger,” either in Greek or in Hebrew, they (correctly) presume God is talking about one of his angels. But the prophecy in Malachi is a special case.

Of course, doctrinal issues raised by the passage in Mark’s Gospel have no influence over translators of the Tanakh. The Complete Jewish Bible renders Malachi 3:1 like this: Continue reading “John the Baptist: God’s Angel or “One Born of Women”?”


2026-09-27

Thomas Brodie (1940-2026) — A Scholar Worth Remembering

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by Neil Godfrey

Posted by Michael Commane February this year:

brodie 2026 1024x502

Thomas Brodie deserves to be well and long remembered, not only for his scholarship but also for his personal experiences as a scholar of integrity in a field where faith hangs like a fog over all its practitioners—believers, agnostics, and even the few atheists alike.

Of particular interest to readers here is Michael Commane’s note:

[Thomas Brodie] was the first director of the Dominican Biblical Institute in Limerick, which opened in 2001. Tom remained as director until 2012. The institute closed in 2016.

The Irish Catholic of January 21, 2013 wrote the following about Tom: “This[Tom’s retirement as director] coincided with his publication of Beyond the Quest for the Historical Jesus, in which he claimed Jesus Christ did not exist as an historical person and led the Irish Dominican province to direct him to withdraw from ministry and cease teaching and writing.”

Tom did not accept the findings of the Dominicans. He argued that he was entering into the ongoing debate about the historical person of Christ.

I covered in depth that publication, Beyond the Quest for the Historical Jesus. See

The Brodie Files: Beyond the Quest Posts on Vridar

Published in 1956, Jesus Came Again only quietly explained it was a parable. The only hints were the last paragraph on the back cover and a small-print, dislocated sub-title on the title page. There was nothing on the front cover to alert the reader of the nature of Vardis Fisher’s retelling.

jesus came again 300x175

Brodie was never “anti-Christian”. He even argued that a non-historical Jesus made the Christian message potentially more personally meaningful. Compare Mythicism Making Christianity More Meaningful. Beyond the Quest is a phenomenological journey that allows readers to understand why and how he came to see Jesus as a spiritual metaphor with the power to edify the believer — but this could only be accomplished by acknowledging the New Testament’s Jesus was never a historical figure. (Another work I am reminded of, though this one was authored by an atheist: Jesus Came Again; a parable.)

But Brodie’s most in-depth scholarly output was probably his 33 + 653 page tome, in effect a collation of many years of his research and publications: The Birthing of the New Testament: The Intertextual Development of the New Testament Writings.

birthingIf you have been intrigued by works (not only by Brodie, but also Winn, MacDonald, Charbonnel and others) identifying the Greco-Roman as well as Old Testament sources of the gospel narratives, you will appreciate The Birthing as a priceless treasure indeed. The same volume contains an overwhelming (in my view) demolition of the need to assume oral traditions lie behind the gospels. Brodie even argues that the “raw emotion” of Paul’s epistle to the Galatians is a literary artifice drawn from the Old Testament.

Vridar posts addressing Thomas Brodie’s work (including this post) are collated here. There are about 50 or so of them.

Remembering Thomas Brodie with fondness and sadness and deep respect, I like to leave my little collection of hard copies of his works:

Brodie collection

& jointly edited with Thomas Brodie:

intertext epistles 150x150Brodie, Thomas L., Dennis R. MacDonald, and Stanley E. Porter, eds. 2006. The Intertextuality of the Epistles: Explorations of Theory and Practice. Sheffield Phoenix Press.


2026-09-21

Another Bruno Bauer work translated into English: Philo . . . and Christian Origins

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by Neil Godfrey

The new work now in English is Philo, Strauss and Renan and Christian Origins

Paul Cheffers made it possible to update Bauer’s Philo citations to their modern references. (Bauer was relying on a 1691 text). Paul’s page: https://www.securecottage.com/BauerProto/

A complete list of translated Bruno Bauer works (with links) is kept under the Pages heading in the right hand margin: Bruno BAUER — Nine Works Translated into English

Contents of Philo, Strauss and Renan and Christian Origins

I. Philo as guide from Hellenism to Christianity.
II. Strauss and his new faith.
III. Renan’s position with respect to French imperialism.
IV. Strauss’s place in the world.
V. The Roman Caesars and the forerunners of Christianity.
VI. Philo’s spiritual world-religion.
VII. Philo in the New Testament.
VIII. Renan’s Life of Jesus.
IX. Philo’s writings.


2026-07-05

Does ἐγὼ εἰμί always mean “I am”? Time, Tense, and Sense

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by Tim Widowfield

You are leaving the American sector   Checkpoint Charlie Berlin 23443784732 300x225
You are leaving the American Sector

While we were living in Berlin, many years ago, during the Cold War, I recall being confused by a rather common question:

How long are you in Berlin?

The phrasing of this query, at first, sounded to me as if the person wanted to know how long I would be staying in Berlin, not how long I had been living there. What does this odd concatenation of English words mean? It’s actually a word-for-word translation of the original German question, and it reveals a difference in German versus English when it comes to the expression of verbal tense and aspect.

In German, the following sentence is completely normal:

Ich bin seit einem Jahr in Berlin.

Literally, that says: “I am since a year in Berlin.” But that translation doesn’t just sound wrong; it is wrong. A native English speaker would express the durative (i.e., progressive) aspect with a different construction, namely:

I have been in Berlin for a year.

A brain thinking in German does not hear the strangeness of the present indicative in this situation. Similarly, a brain thinking in English has a great deal of difficulty hearing “ich bin” as correct in this context.

Tense and sensibilities 

It turns out Greek has a similar sort of construction. In his Greek Grammar, Herbert Smyth explains it succinctly:

The present, when accompanied by a definite or indefinite expression of past time, is used to express an action begun in the past and continued in the present. The ‘progressive perfect’ is often used in translation. (Smyth  1956, p. 422)

Here’s an example in the Gospel of John:

λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς· ⸂Τοσούτῳ χρόνῳ⸃ μεθʼ ὑμῶν εἰμι καὶ οὐκ ἔγνωκάς με, Φίλιππε; ὁ ἑωρακὼς ἐμὲ ἑώρακεν τὸν πατέρα· (John 14:9a, SBLNT)

Typical translations look like this:

Jesus answered: “Don’t you know me, Philip, even after I have been among you such a long time? (NIV)

Jesus saith unto him, Jesus said to him, “Have I been so long with you, and yet you have not come to know Me, Philip? (KJV)

Jesus said to him, “Have I been so long with you, and yet you have not come to know Me, Philip? (NASB)

The Greek uses the present tense, but the English does not. A word-for-word translation in this case wouldn’t be merely stilted or awkward — it would be wrong.

We can find examples in the Septuagint as well. For example:

ταῦτά μοι εἴκοσιν ἔτη ἐγώ εἰμι μετὰ σοῦ· τὰ πρόβατά σου καὶ αἱ αἶγές σου οὐκ ἠτεκνώθησαν· κριοὺς τῶν προβάτων σου οὐ κατέφαγον·

I have been with you for twenty years; your sheep and your goats have never miscarried; nor have I eaten any of the rams from your flock;

We can see that sometimes ἐγώ εἰμι means “I am,” while on other occasions, it means “I have been.” How can we tell the difference? Context.

And now we come to a verse with tremendous weight in orthodox Christianity. John 8:58 reads as follows in the original Koine:

εἶπεν ⸀αὐτοῖς Ἰησοῦς· Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, πρὶν Ἀβραὰμ γενέσθαι ἐγὼ εἰμί. (SBLNT, emphasis mine)

Practically every English translation of the NT renders the verse with “I am” — the present tense. In fact, some capitalize the verb, while others use all capital letters. The International Standard Version, “the most readable and accurate modern English language Bible ever produced,” translates the verse like this: Continue reading “Does ἐγὼ εἰμί always mean “I am”? Time, Tense, and Sense”


2026-07-03

Is Papias a Reliable Witness to the Gospels of Mark and Matthew?

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by Tim Widowfield

In a recent comment on an old post of mine concerning the overblown claims about the attestation of NT works, Robyn Goss wrote (among other things):

There is an ignored massive network of early non-biblical writings (Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clement of Rome, Polycarp, Ignatious [sic] of Antioch, Papias), translations (Vetus Latina, Syriac Peshitta, Coptic Bohariic [sic], Codex Sinaiticus), and historical catalogs that document (Muratorian Fragment), and quote from the New Testament texts.

First off, I’m not sure why she listed the Codex Sinaiticus as part of the “ignored massive network,” since I mentioned it in the post and since it isn’t a translation. Perhaps we should chalk it up to the thrill of sprinting through a Gish Gallop. In fact, the translations listed do indeed “witness” to the Greek manuscripts they were translated from. But again, we know precious little about how they came to be. The who, the when, the where, and the why are all inferred.

Second, I will remind readers that my post compared the quality of attestation versus the quantity of attestation. Given a choice between the two, I’ll choose quality over quantity every time. To argue against my thesis by re-asserting the quantity of NT attestation misses the point entirely, I would think. I’ll admit that I have sometimes argued, in the Marxian tradition, that quantity can be a quality of its own, but not here.

Papias of Hierapolis
Papias of Hierapolis

While we’re on the subject of good, reliable attestation, let’s talk about Papias. He can hardly be part of the “ignored massive network,” since every commentary of Mark I’ve ever read (and that’s a lot) mentions him. Those writers who lean toward the apologetic (possible, ergo must be true) side of the spectrum tell us that Mark was Peter’s translator, and that he wrote down what he remembered, but not necessarily in the right order. More skeptical commentators have written similar things, but with all sorts of caveats. They acknowledge we have many unanswered questions about what Papias actually meant. Continue reading “Is Papias a Reliable Witness to the Gospels of Mark and Matthew?”


2026-06-10

Understanding Christian Origins (a thesis — intro)

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by Neil Godfrey

Up until now I have only shared thoughts of others and sometimes added my own commentary. Now I think I am in a position where I can put my years of reading together and propose how it appears to me that “Christianity began”.

What we recognize as “Christianity” — embrace of the gospels and letters of Paul, Jesus as the saving Christ and fulfillment of Jewish Scriptures, organized assemblies — emerged on the scene after the second great Jewish revolt, the Bar Kokhba war of 132-135 CE. Before that time, though there were beliefs associated with “Christ”, and with Jesus, we have to conclude that they knew nothing of the Jesus of the gospel narratives. Among Judeans themselves there were various ideas about the Messiah or Christ, but after 135 we can say, generally speaking, that “Judaism” divided: rabbinic Judaism appeared on the one hand and “Christianity” on the other.

The gospels were part of a wider literary effort to make a former “Judaism” after the genocidal catastrophe of the Bar Kokhba Revolt respectable to the Roman world. Ever since the time of Augustus, Judeans had established themselves with favour in the imperial court. Just as back in the days of Antiochus Epiphanes there were pro-Hellenists and anti-Hellenists, so a similar division appears again with Roman rule. That favour was savagely lost with Trajan’s and Hadrian’s wars against the Judeans. An academic in personal correspondence with me suggested that what the “Christians” were doing after 135 was seeking to reestablish the favour Judeans had long held up until the days of Trajan and Hadrian. (The war of Vespasian and Titus that resulted in the destruction of the temple in 70 CE did not have the same overriding consequences for Judeans.)

I need to explain my approach to sources that has given rise to the above picture. I treat the gospels as products of the second century because, firstly, it is then that we have the first independent witness to their existence. Secondly, a comparative analysis of their literary and ideological content matches the conditions and ideas widely prevalent in second century culture and is in many respects a mismatch with the previous century. The historical background (political, social, cultural) throughout Palestine in the first century (both around the 30s, the time setting of Jesus, and the 70s, the time of the first war) can be demonstrated to lack the explanatory power of the contents of the gospels that is provided by the historical background of the early and mid second century.

The non-Christian sources likewise must be addressed, of course. The first secure record we have of “Christians” is Pliny’s letter to Trajan, written about a decade into the second century from Asia Minor. The practices described there raise questions when compared with what we learn from early Christian sources. The writings of Tacitus and Suetonius will require discussion with respect to what they reveal and do not reveal about early “Christianity”. As for Josephus, I don’t think the reasoned rejection of his testimony by some of the great scholarly luminaries of the past (Walter Bauer, Albert Schweitzer, Charles Guignebert) has ever been overturned. That can also be addressed in detail up ahead.

As for the early debates among Jewish teachers themselves, these, too, must be dug out as much as possible, and compared with the early ideas we find in the Christian literature. That’s another dataset up for discussion.

Along the way we will encounter a number of common arguments that attempt to cement the gospels and Pauline letters prior to the fall of the temple in 70 CE. One of these is the assertion that no-one would write failed prophecies after they could be clearly seen to have failed. I hope to show that in some cases this argument arises from widespread assumptions read into the prophecies, and in other cases the argument nullifies its corollary, that redactors regularly rewrote or omitted what they found embarrassing. The gospels and epistles will be interpreted through other literature and historical circumstances of the times.

Dates of other Christian writings will be determined primarily through the earliest external evidence for their existence and from that point assessing where their contents most closely match social or political circumstances. The self-testimony of documents will always need to prove itself against the above method. Self-claims of writings can never be assumed factual. That does not mean they are “guilty of fraud” by default, but it means we must suspend judgment until we have independent confirmation one way or the other.

So much for the methods. The conclusion being argued is that Christianity as we recognize it, the narratives of the gospels, the epistles as we have them in our canonical form,  with Jesus the Christ and fulfilment of the Old Testament, appeared on the scene as a response to the conditions arising from the total devastation of the wars against Judeans/Jews in the first decades of the second century.

This is not a new thesis. Others have arrived at the same general idea independently, each with somewhat varying explanations. What follows will be mine.