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Nina Livesey’s [NL] fourth chapter of The Letters of Paul in their Roman Literary Context makes the case for Paul’s letters being composed around the middle of the second century CE.
NL refers to the earlier work of the Dutch Radical Willem Christiaan van Manen [you can read the cited section on archive.org’s Encyclopedia Biblica of 1899-1903, columns 3625ff] who concluded that all of the NT Pauline letters were pseudepigraphical and composed either in the later years of the first century or early in the second. For van Manen, the event that initiated the circumstances that led to their composition was the destruction of the Jewish Temple in 70 CE. Van Manen wrote:
They are not letters originally intended for definite persons, despatched to these, and afterwards by publication made the common property of all. On the contrary, they were, from the first, books; treatises for instruction, and especially for edification, written in the form of letters in a tone of authority as from the pen of Paul and other men of note who belonged to his entourage : 1 Cor. by Paul and Sosthenes, 2 Cor. by Paul and Timothy, Gal. (at least in the exordium) by Paul and all the brethren who were with him ; so also Phil., Col. and Philem., by Paul and Timothy, 1 and 2 Thess. by Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy. ‘The object is to make it appear as if these persons were still living at the time of composition of the writings, though in point of fact they belonged to an earlier generation. Their ‘epistles’ accordingly, even in the circle of their first readers, gave themselves out as voices from the past. They were from the outset intended to exert an influence in as wide a circle as possible ; more particularly, to be read aloud at the religious meetings for the edification of the church, or to serve as a standard for doctrine and morals. [col 3626 – my bolding in all quotations]
But as Hermann Detering pointed out, and as NL concurs, there is no evidence for a “school” that could have been responsible for producing the letters between 70 CE and the early decades of the second century.
While there is evidence of Pauline letters associated with Marcion’s mid-second-century school in Rome, there is no similar evidence of the letters at an earlier period nor associated with a school of “Paul.” (NL, 200)
NL goes further and stresses that there is no other literature prior to the middle of the second century expressing comparable critical attitudes towards the Jewish law. If the Pauline letters came from that period they were anomalous. All other literature that speaks of the Jewish law up to the middle of the second century viewed it positively.
- The Hebrew Bible — the law was given as a blessing and assurance of a close bond between God and his people
- Jubilees — the sabbath was so wonderful a blessing that it was even observed in heaven; even before Moses holy persons observed the law.
- Dead Sea Scrolls — positive towards the law
- The Jewish philosopher Philo (20 BCE – 50 CE) — praised the law for containing deeper allegorical meanings
- Josephus (37 – 100 CE) — proclaimed the distinctiveness of the law in positive tones
Circumcision was likewise understood in all the canonical and extra-canonical writings most favourably. I have listed them in note form here but NL discusses them all in depth.
The change came after the Bar Kochba war that ended in 135 CE. I have written about this war several times. Two of the more detailed posts (one is a continuation of the other) are:
Continuing with NL:
“Christian” teachers and schools emerge in Rome around the mid-second century CE, after the Bar Kokhba revolt, and as a consequence of it.
The Bar Kokhba revolt and events that transpired in its wake greatly affected Judaea and Rome, both socially and politically. The revolt witnesses to a massive number of Roman and Jewish deaths (described as a Jewish genocide), the destruction of the Jewish temple, and the renaming of Judaea to Aelia Capitolina (Syria Palestina). The conquest of Judaea was likewise seen as a significant Roman victory and was greatly celebrated. According to the Roman historian Cassius Dio (c. 155-235 ce), over the approximately four-year war, Romans captured fifty Jewish strongholds, destroyed 985 villages, and killed 580,000 Jews (Dio 69.12.1-14.13). After the revolt, many Jewish captives were sold as slaves. Lester Grabbe summarizes,
. . . . Judging from the comments of Dio, however, the Roman casualties were also very high, such that Hadrian in his report to the Senate dropped the customary formula “I and the legions are well.” Aelia Capitolina became a reality, and Jews were long excluded at least officially, even from entry into the city. Only in the fourth century were Jews again formally allowed access to the temple site, and then only once a year on the ninth of Ab, the traditional date of its destruction.
Werner Eck convincingly argues that Rome considered the Jewish revolt a sizable threat and its suppression a great victory. The revolt affected territories not just in and around Judaea, but also the neighboring regions of Syria and Arabia. In response to it, Rome transferred many of its military regiments along with its best generals to the region. One such general was lulius Servus, whom Hadrian had transferred from Britain to Judaea. With Britain recognized as one of the most significant military outposts of the Empire, the relocation of Servus to Judaea is an indication of the seriousness with which Rome regarded the revolt. There is likewise the suggestion that Rome may have called up as many as twelve or thirteen legions to assist in the revolt’s suppression.
Rome greatly celebrated its conquest of Judaea. In recognition of the victory, Hadrian was named imperator. With this new honorary designation, he bestowed the highest military award (ornamenta triumphalia) on three generals charged with the suppression of Jews and the destruction of Judaea. The Roman Senate likewise dedicated a monument to Hadrian in the Galilee near Tel Shalem equal in prestige and size to the Arch of Titus in Rome. Moreover, the change in name from Provincia Judaea to Provincia Syria Palestina was a unique event in Roman history. Judaea no longer existed for Rome after the Bar Kokhba revolt. Never before or after had a nation’s name been expunged as a consequence of rebellion. Eck remarks, “It is not because the Jewish population was much reduced as a result of losses suffered during the war that the name of the province was changed. … The change of name was part of the punishment inflicted on the Jews; they were punished with the loss of a name.” (NL 200ff — though not mentioned by NL, it may be of interest to note that the area of Galilee has yielded no archaeological evidence of having been involved in the Bar Kochba revolt; Galilee was also the region to which Jewish life gravitated after Hadrian’s genocidal suppression in Judea and Jerusalem.)
* For posts addressing the evidence for the messianic character of the widespread Jewish uprisings under Trajan see
Reconstructing the Matrix from which Christianity and Judaism Emerged
Rebellion of the Diaspora — the world in which Christianity and Judaism were moulded
The Troubled “Quiet” before the Jewish Diaspora’s Revolt against Rome: 116-117 C.E.
Another scholar who has viewed this same war as pivotal in relation to another book of the New Testament is Thomas Witulski’s research on the Book of Revelation. (Witulski further finds significance in the Jewish uprisings under Trajan that preceded the Bar Kochba war, uprisings that another scholar has argued were messianic in nature and anticipating a rebuilding of the Temple*.)
NL writes:
Events leading up to and following the Bar Kokhba revolt can be understood as influential to the development of Pauline letters. For, the Bar Kokhba period saw not only massive destruction, death, and the removal of the Jewish population from Judaea but also the call for a ban on circumcision and the destruction of Hebrew scriptures.20 Rulings against the Jewish practice of circumcision and Jewish writings redound in discussions of these themes in texts dated in and around this period. In addition, treatments of Jewish law and circumcision in biblical and non-biblical texts dated to this period reveal a dramatic downward shift in their value. Comparably dismissive and/or derogatory assessments of circumcision and Jewish law do not surface in texts dated prior to the end of the first century. Discussions of the rite of circumcision dated at or after the Bar Kokhba revolt parallel those found in Pauline letters. (NL, 202f — on footnote 20, a reference to Jason BeDuhn’s The First New Testament: Marcion’s Scriptural Canon, I have been unable so far to locate the source for the “destruction of Hebrew scriptures”, though I suspect it will be found in the rabbinical references in Peter Schafer’s Der Bar-Kokhba-Aufstand.)
It is in the context of a widespread hostility to Jewish national markers (especially circumcision) most notably in the aftermath of the horrific carnage of the Bar Kochba war, that NL finds a place for the Pauline letters with their hostility towards the same Jewish law, most notably circumcision.
The assessment of Jewish law found in Galatians finds no parallels in primary sources dated up through Josephus (c. 100 CE). . . .
A rather dramatic shift in the assessment of circumcision occurs in “Christian” writings dated after Bar Kokhba. The Epistle of Barnabas (c. mid-second century CE) and Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho (c. 160 CE) roundly and at times pejoratively debase the practice of circumcision. These writings alter the signification of Abraham’s circumcision and diminish its association with the covenant. The Dialogue with Trypho, disassociates circumcision from a state of righteousness/justification, and removes its association with the covenant. These writings likewise variously interpret the practice of circumcision as inessential, or worse, as wrong/inappropriate. In addition, Justin ties circumcision to the negative social situation of Jews in the period after the Bar Kokhba revolt, and thus provides an indication of the revolt’s influence on at least a portion of his assessment of the rite.
These second-century texts reduce in value and alter in signification the circumcision of Abraham, the patriarch with whom the rite was constituted. (NL, 208, 215f)
NL is addressing a major subfield within the scholarship of the Pauline letters:
Pauline scholars have worked tirelessly in attempts to account for the devaluation of Jewish law in the Pauline corpus.” Indeed, the scholarship in this area is recognized with its own subfield, “Paul and the Law,” with various “perspectives” offered. (NL, 223)
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Over half a dozen pages NL traces the attempts of scholars to understand Paul’s view of the circumcision question and the Jewish law. The answer, NL believes, is to be found in the controversies generated by Hadrian’s ban on the practice as part of his program to eliminate Jewish identity.
Continuing…..
Livesey, Nina E. The Letters of Paul in Their Roman Literary Context: Reassessing Apostolic Authorship. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2024.
Neil Godfrey
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Is it possible to list the factors supporting the claim that “there is evidence of Pauline letters associated with Marcion’s mid-second-century school in Rome”? Thanks.
I’ll be posting on the “schools in Rome” in the next post. That forms the second part of NL’s fourth chapter. There is no footnote to accompany the specific line you ask about.
An affordable option making much the same arguments is “Christ Before Jesus: Evidence for the Second-Century Origins of Jesus” by Britt, Matthew and Wingo, Jaaron. This book seems well argued but I am only a casual scholar in this arena with no formal training, just widely read.
Stephen, I note that this book contains a shout-out to Vridar in its back pages.
Irenaeus is the only author of the second century who gives any detailed account of the early Christian diversity. So, to me it seems reasonable that anyone trying to figure out the early development of Christianity should start by at least seeing what Irenaeus has to say and then trying to sort out what may be reliable in his account from what is not.
Irenaeus clearly puts the Simonians Simon, Menander, Saturninus, Basilides, and Cerdo earlier than Marcion. And he clearly has Cerdo going to Rome before Marcion. And he clearly says that Cerdo taught “that the one proclaimed as God by the law and the prophets is not the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Against Heresies 1,27,1). And the “Against All Heresies” of Pseudo-Tertullian mentions the Pauline letters in connection with Cerdo before even considering Marcion. And by all accounts Marcion only claimed to remove what Judaizers had inserted in the letters.
So, I am wondering: Did Livesey at least consider the possibility that the Simonians had schools and were behind the fabrication of the letters? And if not, does she anywhere explain why we should dismiss as unreliable what Irenaeus and the early heresy hunters say about the Simonians?
NL does not discuss Simon Magus or the Simonians. The view of Markus Vinzent is that Marcion produced the first gospel and NL seems to accept this position. Like you, I have several unanswered questions at this stage but my first interest for now is trying to be sure I get NL’s view correct. One or two more posts to go.
Understood. Thank you for these posts which I am following with much interest. But it just puzzles me that Livesey could so totally ignore the Simonians on this subject. Didn’t Irenaeus say that Simon taught “by his grace men are saved, not by just works” practically quoting Eph. 2:8? And don’t the Pseudo-Clementines present Simon as a kind of mask for Paul? And don’t both Galatians and Acts connect the circumcision controversy with Antioch? (Marcion had no connection to Antioch but, again according to Irenaeus, the Simonians Menander, Saturninus and Cerdo did). And doesn’t Acts condemn Simon by name?
Poor Marcion. To me he seems like such a straightforward dissenter, laying out his arguments openly in his Antitheses. The proto-orthodox themselves go after him for his supposed errors and blasphemies, but don’t really tag him as a deceiver. It is the Simonians they call out as secretive deceivers, yet Livesey seems willing to give them a free pass.
Leonard B. Glick (1929-2024), who was Jewish himself, wrote a very readable book on circumcision (Marked in Your Flesh). I read it when it was new in 2005 and found a section that I thought was relevant to the controversies surrounding circumcision in early Christianity.
According to Glick, the rabbis introduced a more radical form of circumcision than was previously common, and this is said to have happened sometime between 100 and 150 AD. I think this may have created practical problems for Christians who wanted to follow Jewish customs. Circumcision is not only extremely painful, but also carries the risk of infection and life-threatening conditions. Medical realities may have forced a theological justification for why adult converts to Christianity should not engage in the practice.
As far as I know, there is little evidence that Hadrian took an interest in the practice and banned it. An edict issued by Antoninus Pius permitted Jews to circumcise their own sons but no one else. Violators would ‘‘suffer the punishment of a castrator’’ (castrantis poena): death and confiscation of property.
Here is the passage from Glick’s book:
As I mentioned, Hellenized Jewish men sometimes used stretching techniques to restore the appearance of an intact foreskin. For obvious reasons this was anathema to the rabbis: tantamount to rejection of Judaism and defiance of rabbinic authority. At some point in the late first or early second centuries, they instituted a radical addition to the traditional circumcision technique. Until then, a circumcision (milah) had only required severing the frontal part of the foreskin; in the infant penis this is loose tissue that is not attached to the delicate mucosal lining of the glans. Now there was to be a second procedure, called peri’ah (‘‘opening’’ or ‘‘uncovering’’): grasping the remaining foreskin and underlying mucosal tissue, forcibly separating this from the glans (using sharpened thumbnails), and tearing it away. Failure to remove all ‘‘shreds’’ of foreskin tissue, the rabbis ruled, rendered the circumcision invalid. Probably at about the same time they added yet a third mandatory procedure: metsitsah (‘‘sucking’’), sucking blood from the wound—perhaps in response to the abundant blood flow caused by peri’ah.
Thanks for this info. I followed it up and see that Glick’s source is Rubin, ‘‘Brit Milah,’’ which is a chapter in Mark, Elizabeth Wyner, ed. The Covenant of Circumcision: New Perspectives on an Ancient Jewish Rite. Hanover, N.H: Brandeis University Press, 2003. There we read that some Jews underwent “decircumcision” in the time of the Bar Kochba war because of fear of punishment from Hadrian, and that certain rabbis introduced a stricter technique of circumcision that made decircumcision impossible.
All the evidence — including the inference that comes through in NL’s book — that Hadrian actually banned circumcision seems to me to be rather thin. It seems more surmised than verified.
Bruno Bauer also weighed in on this topic with his book, “Christus Und Die Caesaren” (1877). He showed that the Letters of the Apostle Paul directly copy from the works of the Stoic philosopher, Lucius Seneca — a contemporary of Paul. Seneca was famous in Rome as a close, personal friend of Nero.
Seneca wrote Epistles too — lots of them. So many, that it was easy for Bruno Bauer to find more than a dozen of Seneca’s ideas that Paul copied in a plainly less sophisticated way.
In other words, the Epistles of Paul, as a more commonplace imitation of Seneca, were meant to edify gatherings of hearers, not like ordinary letters to one person — by design, not by Paul, but by Seneca.
Nina Livesey devotes chapter 3 to a comparison between Seneca’s and Paul’s letters: https://vridar.org/2025/01/23/pauls-letters-in-literary-philosophical-context/
So a lot of this thesis seems to be Christians rejecting strict Judaism, however Christian writings seem to also play the victim card suggesting they were the ones who were rejected and persecuted by the orthodox.
The idea that Christians were being expelled from synagogues appears be a common refrain in the Gospels. There is even hint that orthodox Judaism is evangelizing: “You travel across sea and land to make a single proselyte, and when he becomes a proselyte, you make him twice as much a child of hell as yourselves”
I imagine that at some point in time there was a huge variety of Jewish sects with different belief systems, but after the 1st Jewish war and the establishment of Rabbinic Judaism, an orthodoxy would have tried to establish itself over the diaspora. I think it is possible that belief systems that were being rejected by the orthodoxy were finding some common
ground in their marginalization.
I would not think it a stretch to assume that the Pharisees in the gospels are stand-ins for Judaism at the time, and possibly a rabbinic form that is starting to re-assert some form of control of the Jewish diaspora prior to the Bar Kochba war.
I propose this theory for its ability to explain how Christianity can come into existence with seemingly so many different theologies and cosmologies. Maybe circumcision was one issue that came to represent the divide. But I would have to wonder if Paul’s view on circumcision is rallying against Judaism, or against Christians who still practice this custom.
It would seem that Paul’s views on circumcision are not divisive among Christians in the mid 2nd century when NL says these were written.
I wonder if anyone familiar with the Pseudo-Clementine writings can inform me if the practise of circumcision is ever defended here? Were there really Christians who still insisted on circumcision in the mid 2nd century?
Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho purports to be written a few years after the Bar Kochba war and paragraphs 46 and 47 speak of Christians keeping the practice of circumcision: http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/text/justinmartyr-dialoguetrypho.html
You are a patient man if you can get to paragraphs 46 – my eyes glaze over reading J Martyr 🙂
Reading this (J Martyr) I would conclude that Christians who insist on circumcision are now a small outlier, but Martyr may not know much about them.
That would be the understanding (that they are a small outlier) that the author is wants Trypho (us) to think.
As for an overview of Justin’s writings, I wrote up some kind of guide that relates his work to our gospels and Acts — though on glancing at it years later I see there are a few errors that need tending to.
https://vridar.info/xorigins/justinnarr.htm
https://vridar.info/xorigins/justinchurch.htm