2023-04-21

§ 68. The prophecies of Jesus of his Passion

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by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 3

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§ 68.

The prophecies of Jesus of his Passion.

Mark 8, 31 Luk. 9, 21. 22 Matth. 16, 21
Mark 9, 31. 32 Luk. 9, 43-45 Matth. 17, 22
Mark 10, 33. 34 Luk. 18, 31-34 Matth. 20, 17
Matth. 26, 2


Three times all three synoptics – to put it more vaguely with regard to Luke – let the Lord proclaim His suffering, His death and His resurrection in advance before His entry into Jerusalem; but in the way in which they increase the certainty of these prophecies and insert them into the whole of their writings, they differ from each other.

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1. The increase of certainty.

After Peter’s confession, as reported in Mark 8:31, Jesus opened up to the disciples that “the Son of Man must suffer many things and be rejected by the elders, the chief priests and the teachers of the law, and that he must be killed and after three days rise again.” After the Transfiguration, as they traveled incognito through Galilee – because the Lord did not want to attract attention, the manner of his appearance was already somewhat subdued and he wanted to enter the path of death without delay – he told the disciples the same thing, only more generally stating that “the Son of Man will be delivered into the hands of men,” etc. Finally, as they were already on the way to Jerusalem (Mark 10:32-34), the prophecy becomes more specific or rather so specific that it is almost nothing but the program of the play whose performance is imminent. “See,” Jesus said to the twelve, “we are going up to Jerusalem, and the Son of Man will be delivered over to the chief priests and the scribes. They will condemn him to death and hand him over to the Gentiles, who will mock him and spit on him, flog him and kill him. And after three days he will rise again.”

Whatever one may think about these prophecies and Jesus’ exact knowledge of the brutalities he would experience in the last hours, it is enough to say that in the Gospel of Mark, the increasing specificity of the prophecies is quite appropriate.

Luke has not changed much. The first prophecy he leaves unchanged, the second he abbreviates; Jesus only says: the Son of man shall be delivered into the hands of men, for Jesus has to waste too many words beforehand to call the disciples to attention – “Receive these words in your ears! “and the evangelist has to remark far too much on the disciples’ inability to hear these words to leave room for writing out Mark in full. The third prophecy he leaves (C. 18, 31 – 33) also essentially unchanged, except that he thought he had to change the active construction to the passive, and at most he was entitled to do so, since he believed he had to change the words “the Son of Man will be delivered over to the chief priests and the scribes and they will condemn him to death” in Mark’s Gospel to “everything that is written about the Son of Man in the prophets.”

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Here, again, Matthew reveals to us the abstract nature of the later perspective, which makes the anachronisms that are already inherent in the original religious view even greater, and wants to see everything as already completed from the beginning, even barbarically blurring the small nuances of the original religious reflection. Immediately after Peter’s confession, in his abstract and anticipatory manner, Matthew has the Lord say that “he must now go to Jerusalem” and suffer much, etc. – followed by the prophecy that is the first in Mark’s Gospel. Matthew includes the second prophecy unchanged, at least without burdening it with an addition, but in the third, in which the brutalities of Jesus’ opponents are listed, he cannot resist removing one, the spitting, – so much was he dependent on the number of words! – and instead has the Lord say that he will be crucified (Matthew 20:19).

But he pushed the definiteness even further. Mark tells us how two days before Easter the priests had decided on the death of Jesus, but had postponed the execution of their decision until after the feast; He also tells us how the betrayal of Judas gave the priests the opportunity to carry out their plan earlier, and finally, when he lets Jesus speak of his death and of the betrayer during the meal of the Passover evening, he knows that we will believe that Jesus was not surprised by the passion events against his knowledge, just as he also shows us how Jesus voluntarily went to meet it when he gave himself up in the garden of Gethsemane, when he knew that the betrayer would find him.

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Where the facts speak so loudly and clearly, a prophecy about what is imminent would have been very unnecessary and even out of place, especially since Jesus had already concluded his account of the last things in the previous discourse and uttered prophecies that far surpass the fate that now awaits him. Only before Jesus enters the scene of his suffering were prophecies in their place. Nevertheless, Matthew could not resist having the Lord tell the disciples at the end of that discourse on the last things and at the beginning of the Passion narrative (Matthew 26:1-2): “You know that in two days’ time it will be Passover, and the Son of Man will be handed over to be crucified.”

By considering the position of these three prophecies, we will reveal their origin and the origin of their context in one fell swoop, and we will also have the opportunity to answer some of the most important questions of criticism – although these pitiful questions cannot really be called important, because their solution reveals their whole misery.

 

2. The position of the three prophecies in the writing of Mark.

Each time these three prophecies in the writing of Mark have an inner relation to the preceding one, each time they are followed by an event which contrasts with them, which gives Jesus cause for a rebuke, whereupon Jesus again has cause to instruct his own in a more general form.

 

1. a) The first prophecy.

Peter acknowledged Jesus as the Messiah, but now the Lord shows the disciples the dark side of the messianic image by saying that he must suffer. After highlighting the internal contrast of the messianic ideal in this way, the other contrast is presented, which is formed by the selfishness of the world. Peter represents this selfishness, and the Lord rebukes him, calling him Satan, because he is focused on the human aspect rather than the divine. Jesus then teaches the crowd and his disciples about the duty of self-denial in a more general way.

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Whoever wants to follow him must deny himself and take up his cross. For whoever wants to keep his soul will lose it; but whoever loses his soul for my sake and – what the two others leave out – for the sake of the Gospel, will keep it. What good would it do a man if he gained the whole world and was deprived of his soul? (i.e. if his life were taken from him, he would not be able to enjoy his gain. Similarly, spiritual life is a prerequisite, without which nothing has worth or even existence for humans.) Luke has taken the nerve out of the saying when he abandons the expression in which the soul is apparently distinguished from the ego and held up to it as valuable, and instead has put the sensible expression: “when one loses oneself and is deprived of oneself. “Or what can man give so that he may redeem his soul? For whosoever shall be ashamed of me and of none of my words – therefore the mention of the Gospel is original and necessary – among this adulterous generation, of him also shall the Son of man be ashamed, when he cometh in the glory of his Father with the holy angels. (Matthew has overlooked the fact that the passage is designed to emphasise the importance of the confession and writes in his tendency to move from the abstract to the general: “the Son of Man will come . . . . . . and then he will repay each one according to his deeds”). And Jesus said to them: “Truly I say to you, there are some among those standing here who will not taste death until they see the kingdom of God – (Matth, correctly explaining your context, writes: the Son of Man in his! Kingdom) – come in power.

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Note not only the position and arrangement of the contrasting elements, but also their extension and spread. The historical account is compact, intense, and the contrasts are not kept far apart, but all are equally elaborated. The concluding speech (Mark 8:34-38, 9:1) – as if the sermon on the preceding theme or the moral of the story – is not excessively prolonged.

 

1. b) The second prophecy.

The second prophecy forms the inner contrast or complement to the transfiguration, and the outer contrast to the image of the suffering Messiah must be the selfish dispute of the disciples as to which of them is the greater (C. 9, 30-34). Jesus rebukes these children, who always seem to want to remain children, and – if these sentences belong to the Mark – is given the opportunity by a remark of John to further consider the duties of his own.

 

1. c) The third prophecy.

Jesus had in vain exhorted a rich man to renounce his possessions, to follow Him and to take up the cross (C. 10, 21. 22). On the other hand, the Messiah declares that he is ready to face the suffering that awaits him, but at the same time he has to reject the senseless claims of two attackers who fight for the next places on his side. No sooner had he done so than the other disciples, grumbling at the insolence of the two, gave him the opportunity to speak again of the duty of self-denial which each of his followers must practise. —-

Everywhere, then, the same structure, the same relationship of the group, the same contrasts, yes, the same thoughts and even the same turns of phrase, transitions, constructions and words!

How beautiful, the theologian will perhaps say, when he is forced to notice the arrangement of the reports and to see in the first place, how beautiful, how marvellous! We may already say: what poverty and paucity of invention!

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But, we must add, in Mark we find these two turns of phrase always purely executed, the groupings appropriately arranged, the contrasts in their correct proportion and in their proper tension. We find none of this in Matthew and Luke, because they no longer knew the tendency and inner context of these passages in the Gospel.

 

3. The position of the three prophecies in Luke’s writing.

It has already been noted that Luke made his account less consistent when he left out the dialogue between Peter and Jesus after the first prophecy. It is also not necessary to mention that he gave the two first prophecies a false position by including so much between them and the note that Jesus was really serious about traveling to Jerusalem. He presents the second prophecy (Luke 9:44) in the same context in which he found it in Mark. Although the third prophecy (Luke 18:31) also follows the account of the rich man, Luke does not include the request of the sons of Zebedee – he believed that he could use the details that Mark provides in connection with this third prophecy at another place more effectively, as we will see later.

It is clear that if he twice omitted a necessary part of the original account, he no longer knew its tendency, and if he communicates the second prophecy with its original setting, he only acted as a mere copyist.

Luke gave his reflection a different direction, a direction that directly relates to the intelligence of the disciples, while Mark, in his vivid contrasts, only presents the matter in such a way that the disciples were not yet capable of practicing the self-denial that Jesus demanded of them and which he himself was about to practice to the highest degree.

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After the healing of the possessed man, which follows the transfiguration, Mark gives no concluding formula to instruct us about the impression the miracle made on the people; we have become sufficiently acquainted with his manner to know why: he really wants the following incidents, which form contrasts to the preceding, to follow as such contrasts. Jesus heals the possessed man, he comes home with the disciples, they ask him why they could not cast out the devilish spirit, Jesus explains to them, “and as they set out, they travelled through Galilee, and he would not let himself be known. “For – we now learn why he wanted to travel incognito – he instructed the disciples that “the time of suffering was not far off. Right! Thus the thought of suffering stands in clear contrast to the preceding, also to the transfiguration. No sooner has Jesus arrived in Capernaum than the other contrast develops: Jesus asks the disciples what quarrel they had on the way and now has to chastise them because of their jealousy about precedence.

Luke concludes the account with all that has gone before, when he immediately, after helping the demoniac to health, remarks that everyone was amazed – everyone! that is, also the crowd that was present down at the mountain. Now the tension between the word “suffering” and the word “transfiguration” is not only removed, but when Luke says: When all were amazed at all that Jesus did,” and when we are to think that Jesus, who now wants to speak of his sufferings, is alone with his disciples, we lose all sense of hearing and seeing. Could he not have found another formula to distinguish the disciples from all those who were just now marvelling at the greatness of God? He could not. Enough, after Jesus has spoken of his suffering, it is said: “But they understood not this word, and it was hid from them, lest they should understand it; and they feared to ask him concerning this word. ” (C. 9, 43-45.)

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Mark did not need this contrast. A foreign hand has bestowed upon him the reflection of Luke and inserted it into his writing: (C. 9, 32) “but they understood not the word, and feared to ask him ” *). Matthew saved the later glossator the trouble by turning the matter into a spiritual one and writing: (17, 23) and they became very sad.

*) Wilke, p. 504.

Luke has become so entrenched in his conception of the contrast that he places the same remark just as broadly and almost literally as after the second also after the third, although it is he who has Jesus refer to the prophecies of the prophets on this occasion. (18, 31-34) If Jesus could remind the disciples of the prophecies, i.e. if he could refer to a dogma as he does here, i.e. if he could refer to a dogma as a Christian preacher can do, then the disciples must have known what he was talking about. Mark incorporated the prophecies of O.T. into the speeches of Jesus himself and therefore, among other things, did not yet think of the crucifixion, as Matthew had the temerity to do. He speaks only of being overawed, scourged, humiliated and spat upon.

We come to Matthew.

 

4. The stater in the fish’s mouth. 

Matth. 17, 21-27.

Peter’s being given the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and his being raised to the rock on which the church is to rest securely, both of these things, because they are inserted too superficially into the structure of the original gospel, have already been moved back to the place where they belong.

Before we move on from the rich man’s dispatch to Jesus’ third prophecy of His sufferings, time will also take too long: but here too it will be very easy for us to remove the interpolated parable of the denarii (Matth. 20, 1-16).

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As for the second prophecy, here we have only to remove the intruder who wants to make the progress of the interest resound too annoyingly to the contrast which is unfit for it. We will cut off the excessive extension of the conclusion later in order to restore the correct measure of the original representation. That intruder is the miracle of the stater in the fish’s mouth.

When they were travelling in Galilee, says Matthew, Jesus told the disciples about the future of his sufferings, but the evangelist does not say that Jesus travelled through Galilee with the intention of going straight to Jerusalem, he does not say that Jesus travelled incognito through Galilee and explained to the disciples the striking nature of this journey, pointing to the future of his sufferings. He said nothing of all this, because on the arrival of the company in Capernaum he wanted to give the Lord another opportunity to perform an extraordinary miracle. If the people who demanded the taxes should admonish Peter and his master, Jesus was not allowed to travel incognito. But if Jesus does not travel incognito, if he does not travel through Galilee to continue the way beyond the province, then this prophecy is not motivated: if the disciples’ dispute about precedence does not fall out on that journey on which Jesus spoke of his sufferings, then the two sides of the contrast are torn out of their tension, and if Matthew, after he has performed the miracle with that statue, cannot help himself but say that on that day the disciples approached Jesus with the question as to which of them was the greatest, then the lameness of the disciples’ childishness has become excessive. Yet Mark is still so reserved that he presents the matter as if Jesus had asked the disciples what they had discussed on the way, and since they had kept silent out of shame, by means of his keen insight he saw through their dispositions and knew their quarrel. 9, 47), Jesus saw through the thoughts of their heart; but Matthew, who had to form a new transition after the interpolated episode of the Stater, formed it so badly that he lets the disciples step shamelessly before Herm with their childish question and that he even, when he lets them ask: “Who then is (!) the greatest?” he must betray that this question is connected with something that has gone before. Only he has so clumsily formed this hindsight from the preceding that it now appears as if Jesus had previously given the childish disciples a well-founded reason for their question. We only need to recognise this confusion and bring together what belongs together in order to crush the episode of the stater.

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The question of whether the tax Jesus is being asked to pay is the Roman poll tax or the legal temple tax should not be raised again. When Jesus comes home *) and precedes Peter with the question whether “the kings of the world” levy interest on their children, and when Peter answers: rather on the foreigners, he adds: therefore the sons are free, it is clear that he wants to draw the conclusion from the custom of the “worldly” kings, how the “heavenly” king also treats his children. The Jewish people are like a group of foreigners and adopted servants to the heavenly king, whose children are Jesus and his disciples.

*) Matth. 17, 25 και ότε εισήλθεν εις την οικίαν and  V. 24 ελθοντων δε αυτων εις καπερναουμ, is still the formula of Mark C. 9, 33: και ηλθεν εις καπερναουμ και εν τη οικια γενομενος επηρωτα. Matth. writes προέφθασεν by making the marvellous perspicacity which Jesus there evidences in Mark more glaringly noticeable to the reader for ſhis purpose. Jesus knows what Peter has encountered and immediately speaks about the matter, just as he knows what the disciples have discussed on the way to Mark and seeks to bring them to confession.

Matthew formed this story out of the later and only later possible view, according to which Jesus and his followers were regarded as the true children of God and the Jews as servants, whom Jehovah, if he willed, could also bid farewell to again. The fourth evangelist borrowed this view from Matthew, but confused his treatment of it by developing the definition of servitude even further, without distinguishing this further development from the form in which he found it in the Scriptures of his predecessor.*)

*) Joh. 8, 31-36. Herewith is determined that which we Crit. d. ev. Gesch. d. Joh. p. 328 still left undefined.

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Matthew has placed the miracle in the wrong place here, as it is very unbecoming for someone who has just admitted that he must suffer to find a divine law too burdensome and its observance indecent. It is the same contradiction into which Matthew fell above when he copied Mark’s first prophecy of Jesus’ sufferings, for if the Messiah must suffer and demands unlimited self-denial from his followers, it was very inappropriate to bestow the keys of the kingdom of heaven on Peter and legitimize hierarchical pride in general.

But in any case, even apart from its surroundings, the tendency of that fish anecdote is an unworthy one. It is at least unworthy how the exalted man disputes the obligation to pay interest, denies it for his person and for his own, yet acknowledges it again by paying the interest, but, by bowing, is at the same time endeavouring to secure for himself the recognition of his exaltedness by the amusingly ironic way in which he pays the interest.

 

5. The origin of Jesus’ prophecies of his suffering.

If we have now succeeded in restoring the original report, then his last hour will also have struck.

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Weisse says *) that the “scene between Jesus and Peter” which followed the first prophecy was, as he somewhat forcefully expresses it, “drawn directly from the mouth of this disciple by the reporter” and that it “stands as a powerful argument against any doubt about the factual correctness of such proclamations from Jesus’ mouth.” However, regarding these prophecies, which – we may say immediately, without intending to make the criticism that will lead to this result useless or save us from it – are not based on success, but, together with the gospel accounts of suffering and resurrection, are modeled on the Old Testament ideal, we need only look at them humanely – and criticism must be humane – to be sure that as they stand – and in a form other than as they stand, they do not exist for either the rationalist or the believer – no living person speaks like that. Only a book speaks like that.

*) I, 531

The fact that they occur just three times, and that their definiteness increases appropriately in the original report, proves their authorial origin, an origin which, moreover, Matthew also proves when he makes their definiteness even greater and adds to the three a fourth, an even more definite one.

It would be unnecessary, especially since it is such an easy task in any case, to show the nullity of the tradition hypothesis everywhere, or to trace it back to its nothingness, i.e., to the imagination of scholars. We took over the business this time in order to give Mark his last honour. Gfrörer says that the three prophecies are basically one and the same. (Correctly understood, we admit this. But he takes it incorrectly. In the Christian Church the tradition had been preserved that Jesus, before his arrival in Jerusalem, had foretold the destinies awaiting him there. “So tradition had such a strong memory that it did not allow a weak “hint” to be lost! As if it were not much easier for the faithful to put the strongest and most fluent speeches about the future into the mouth of the Lord! As if the believer as such did not have to be convinced that the Lord foreknew everything exactly as it was to come! – In short, Gfrörer now thinks: “Because of the ambiguity which lay in this determination of the time, the prophecy was indented by means of three different sagas in three special places” *). But we know nothing more of such a framework into which various – we can hardly write the word – legends or – or ghosts again inserted the ghost of a legend or tradition – or what shall we call the absurdity? – interpolated. The three prophecies arose where we read them written, first, all together and in the order in which we see them before us. They came into being with their surroundings, which form the necessary contrast to them. Mark also knows how to write, as a man writes who creates such things, for he remarks, when he wants to report the third prophecy, that Jesus again saw the twelve and spoke to them of his future. “Again!” (παλιν C. 10, 32) after he had already told them twice about the near future.

*) Die heil. Sage, ll, 56. 64.

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Mark first formed everything, everything, the prophecies and the contrasts belonging to them. Calvin has very well noticed the difficulty that now arises from the triple number, at least from the repeated repetition of this prophecy, but he has removed the difficulty very badly when he says, “although the apostles had already been taught before about the end of the Lord, yet they had not made sufficient progress in their understanding, and Jesus now repeats anew what he had already said often. ” But this would be a very unskilful teacher, who is content merely to repeat something anew **) when he knows that his pupils have not grasped what he had told them before. What teacher will chase down the same tirade in such a case? The teacher who really deserves the name will indeed take up the matter “anew,” but he will take it up from a “new” side, and of course precisely from the side which he knows was not yet clear to his pupils. This is how real, human teachers act, but they do not recite the same formula.

**) de iutegro repelit, quod saepius dixerat.

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Mark formed these prophecies and had the Lord pronounce them three times, so that he would follow the law of the holy trinity and at the same time have the opportunity to add an artistic enhancement to his writing.

The enhancement lies not only in the prophecies, but also in the contrasting surroundings.

The background is first formed by the confession of Peter, in which the recognition of Jesus as the Messiah first emerges, the second time – in the transfiguration – the background is already more brilliant, and the third time the glory of Jesus and his kingdom is secured in a negative way, in that the rich and powerful of this world are humiliated in that rich man.

After each of these prophecies, Jesus has the opportunity to shame and rebuke human thoughts and behavior, first by scolding Peter for not wanting to hear about suffering, then after the second prophecy, by rejecting a more definite arrogance and the desire for superiority in general, and finally, after the third prophecy, the sons of Zebedee come with their request for seats at his right and left hand.

Who is now so bold as to deny that not only these three prophecies, but each of them in turn, originally belong together with their contrastive surroundings, that the prophecies, as they each follow one another with their surroundings, form a whole, and that as this whole they owe their origin to a single pen, to the plastic art of one man, to the invention of Mark?

Very well! Let us hear the last proof! If Mark did not want to compose too badly – and he did indeed compose quite skilfully – i.e. if he did not want to place the teaching of his Lord too low, he had to present the matter in such a way that the disciples, who were so often to be reminded of his suffering, would also be instructed about it more closely. In fact, this instruction always followed regularly. But how? After an event that Jesus could not foresee had happened. Did Jesus know that Peter would speak as he did, did he know that the disciples on the journey through Galilee would argue about precedence, that the Zebedees would come up with this senseless idea? Did he know that his disciples would commit such childish pranks? No, he did not know. But he should have known them better and should have taught them immediately when he spoke of suffering and especially when he thought he would have to speak of it more often. But no, he did not have to: the Lord of Mark knows that he only has to wait a few moments or until he returns from Caesarea Philippi to Capernaum to get the opportunity for these teachings.

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That is to say, Mark has formed everything in such a way that what otherwise follows in one flow in the intelligible world complements itself in separate plastic formations – a complementation that is only possible in the world of ideal conception, in the real world it would be the opposite.

But not everyone who undertakes to create a world of ideal perception is therefore a master. The evangelists are not masters. There was only one Greek, there is only one Homer. The ideal world of the Gospels lacks the harmony of humanity, of moral, human motives, that harmony which even the contrasts must not lack. The ideal world of the sacred writers is a prosaic and disgustingly disjointed world.

These three contrasts must follow the three prophecies, so that a sermon on the necessity of self-denial, suffering and mutual subordination follows.

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But then, as Weisse demands, we are to be forced to devour such positive stones and blocks, such figures of extremely “individual truth”, or to worship them as fetishes? If Jesus has clearly said that he must suffer and just added that he will rise on the third day, should Peter then come and say that this should not happen? When Jesus speaks of suffering and death, should the disciples behave like children and argue about who is the greatest? When Jesus speaks again of suffering, shall the Zebedees know nothing better than to think how to get ahead of the others in order to take the seats on the right and left of the Lord?

It would be pointless to say that if Jesus knew what kind of childish people he was dealing with, he should either not have spoken of such things to them at all, or if he really wanted to, he should have taken them to the children’s school. It would be pointless to say explicitly that if Jesus had spoken so clearly of his suffering, the disciples, even children, would have understood him. Jesus did not make these disclosures to the disciples, he did not have to trouble himself with their childishness; Peter, the Twelve and the Zebedees had only to act so incomprehensibly foolishly that Jesus might be given the opportunity, i.e. that the evangelist – if we may misuse the word – might have vivid occasions to set forth the meaning of suffering in the kingdom of God or to indicate the applications to which the spirit should apply the thought of his Saviour’s suffering for the salvation of his soul.

If Jesus had to prophesy his suffering in advance and describe those last hours down to the crudest coincidences, so that his omniscience and the voluntariness with which he approached the suffering might become clear, the childish imaginings of his disciples serve to put the seal of divine sublimity on his calmness and self-assurance for the evangelical view.

Whoever still dares to take these prophecies as the words of Jesus, may make even the smallest detail comprehensible to the sensible, may tell us, for example, what the disciples must have thought when Jesus asked them to take up their “cross”. Bengel is right, and he will continue to be right until evidence to the contrary is produced, when he says that the cross was not used by the Jews in a figurative or literal sense. He is right when he says that Jesus alludes to his cross, but he is wrong when he tries to explain the possibility of such an allusion by saying that Jesus had already carried the cross in secret *). Did the disciples know this, or had they noticed it, or had Jesus shown it to them?

*) to Matth. 10, 38: alludit ad crucem suam, quam ipse jam tum ferebat occulto.

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Luke has formed a prophecy on his own, which we still have to consider, in order to answer a question in which it has again played a great role.

 

6. Jerusalem, the murderess of the prophets, and the festival journeys of Jesus.

The situation in which some of the Pharisees warn Jesus that Herod is after his life no longer exists for us. Go,” Jesus answers his enemies, who are very worried at this time, “and tell this fox: behold, I cast out demons and heal diseases today and tomorrow, and on the third day I will come to an end (Luk 13:31, 32). 32) – which is different from the words of an evangelist who knows so much about how the demons obey the name of Jesus, to whom the healing of the sick seems to be one of the most important aspects of the business of Jesus, and who has very clumsily placed the account after three days, which is lost in the original prophecy of Jesus, in order to use it as a rubric for the main business of Jesus and the completion of his course. “Only that I must walk today and tomorrow and the day after, for it is not possible for a prophet to perish outside Jerusalem” v. 33. – thus another, also not particularly happy application of the three days and a somewhat too dogmatic transformation of the words of Jesus, which Luke reads in Mark and which he himself writes down again C. 18, 31. Where is the dogma written that no prophet can perish outside Jerusalem, or what antecedence could Jesus bring to a dogma of this kind? Does an evangelist, in a passage so well invented, write the further reflection (v. 34) “Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest them that are sent unto thee, how often have I wished to gather thy children together, as a bird gathereth her young under her wings, and ye would not? Behold, your house shall be left desolate. But I say unto you, Ye shall not see me, till it come to pass, that ye should say, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord.” (Here, then, in this place, where Jesus had not yet been in Jerusalem, here, where Jesus first declared that he must go to Jerusalem, because it was only here that the prophet could perish, here is this saying originated, for it is at the same time supposed to be a prophecy of the reception which Jesus found on entering the holy city, for here they cried, Blessed be the King that cometh in the name of the Lord. (Peace in heaven and glory in the highest! was also shouted by varying the theme of that English hymn of praise: Glory to God in the highest and peace on earth). Matthew did not see the relation of that saying to the entry into Jerusalem; he believed it, because Jerusalem is at the same time thought of as a city about which the Lord had often endeavoured to give a better place, when he made it – separated from that confused twofold execution of the triple number – the last word which the Lord spoke to the people (C. 23, 37 – 39). We do not need to mention that it is inappropriately attached to a speech that is not directed against the people, not against the holy city, but against the Pharisees.

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Luke formed the saying first and, what is more, in a very inappropriate place and linked it to an even more inappropriate occasion, if possible.

But, one might still ask, in order to save the presuppositions of the fourth Gospel *), does not the presupposition that Jesus was often in Jerusalem ring through this saying, a presupposition which therefore seems to be all the more correct and justified because it contradicts the other presuppositions of the Synoptics? No! Luke formed the saying first! On a saying which stands in such a suspicious environment and with which, in so far as it speaks of death in Jerusalem, there is certainly an inner connection, does one want to found a system? Doesn’t the primal gospel show a trace that could lead us to the presupposition of the fourth gospel?

*) Strauss L. I. I. 505. 506.

Weisse thinks himself justified by the saying to conclude a longer duration of Jesus’ one stay in Jerusalem, which, as he at the same time thinks, the Synoptics rightly assume alone **). But he builds on the wrong place which Matthew gave to the saying. He builds on sand. In Luke’s writing the saying has its solid ground, as far as there can be such a thing in the chimerical world of this writing.

**) I, 420.

Luke is certainly not the man who could come to the aid of the fourth evangelist, nor is he the man who could justify Weisse in ascribing to Jesus’ stay in Jerusalem, of which the synoptics alone know, a duration that was as long as possible. Luke remains faithful to the Synoptic presupposition also in the second part of his writing, when he (Acts 10, 37) lets Peter describe the life in the same way as he has described it in the Gospel *), namely that Jesus “began from Galilee”, travelled around and finally performed his deeds in Jerusalem and Judea. Luke also has Peter (v. 38) speak as if the healing of the sick and the casting out of devils were the main deeds of Jesus, i.e. Luke has formed the speech in which the Lord speaks of the necessity of His healing miracles.

*) and how the priests also describe the course of it, when they delivered Jesus to Pilate: Luk 23, 5: αρξαμενος απο της γαλιλαιας εως ωδε. Literally the same Acts. 10, 37.

41

But Luke lets the Lord speak as if he had much and often to do with Jerusalem? This does not give us the right to form theological hypotheses. He also lets Peter speak as if Judea and Jemsalem had been a main scene of Jesus’ miraculous activity, and yet in the Gospel itself he knows only as much and as little about Jesus’ stay in Jerusalem as his predecessor Mark. Luke forms the first point in the transition from the view of the Synoptics to that of the Fourth, namely, the point at which Judea and Jerusalem became important for the entire activity of Jesus, but he has not yet drawn the line from this point that the Fourth drew. He only formed a sentence in which he emphasised Jesus’ activity in Jerusalem and partly also spoke of this activity in the sense that Jesus took care of the children of Jerusalem by taking care of the chosen people in general.

Otherwise, or rather everywhere, he is dependent on the view of Mark and proves that he has his more exact knowledge of the life of Jesus through Mark. He even continues this view quite correctly in additions. If the angel who reports the resurrection of their Master to the women says that they should tell the disciples that Jesus would go ahead of them to Galilee, where they would see him as he had told them, Luke has the angel say that they should remember what he told them “while he was still in Galilee” (C. 24, 6.). Jesus, writes Luke (C. 16, 47.), taught daily in the temple, i.e. he wanted to use this new opportunity to work through his teaching.

42

There can be no doubt about the opinion of Mark. When he says: Jesus entered Jerusalem, went into the temple and after he had looked at everything, he went out to Bethany, because it was already late, this means: Jesus satisfied the curiosity of a man from the province and today he could do nothing but look at the temple, namely, he could not teach because it was already late.

Matthew did not copy this passage from Mark, since he – very hastily and somewhat too hotly – had the merchants driven out of the temple immediately after the Lord’s entry; instead, he formed another passage, which proves his agreement with Mark’ basic premise. When Jesus enters Jerusalem, the whole city is in an uproar and people ask, “Who is this? But the crowd answered: this is the prophet Jesus from Nazareth in Galilee (C. 21, 10. 11.). This time we do not wish to reproach Matthew particularly for not having made it clear to us where the multitudes come from who are distinguished from the citizens of the holy city; he has at least shown us that, according to his view, Jesus also comes for the first time from the province to the capital.

Weisse reminds us that the rejoicing of the people at the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem proves that Jesus had not been in this city before or – to put it more correctly – that according to the Synoptics the moment has come when the Son of David enters the holy city. The Fourth, therefore, could not understand this rejoicing in its true sense; he even had to use the miracle of Lazarus to win over the crowds, since according to his previous account Jesus only had to expect trouble and distress in Jerusalem.

*) I, 297.

43

Whether at the time of Jesus, as Weisse remarks, who is only concerned with the positive statements of the Synoptics, people in Galilee thought more freely about the feast commandments, is not our concern here, but it is more than likely and at least puts the mechanical pragmatism of the fourth Gospel in its proper light. Whether the feast attendance was not necessary for Jesus is a personal question, and therefore cannot be answered by us, since we have not yet received a single message about Jesus. But Weisse’s remark is correct that according to the synoptic accounts Jesus travels to Jerusalem not to visit the feast but to suffer. However, we do not conclude from this, as Weisse does, that Jesus ‘ travelled to Jerusalem only at the time of this Christian sacrificial pascha, but . . . . . .

but that Mark the Evangelist was not at all concerned about all these questions of the theologians and Jews when he wrote his Gospel. He did not even think about the annually recurring feasts; their cycle had been forgotten in the ideal world in which he lived and which he described. The only thing he knew about it was that Jesus had to suffer at the Passover: for the time until then he knew nothing of chronology, as little as of a festival cycle.

It will now be seen where we want to go and where this matter will finally and for all time come to an end.

How can we take it into our heads to decide what a man had to do, or whether he attended the festivals of his people more than once, when all the reports that are supposed to teach us about him have dissolved? How can we go so far in our hunger for historical fragments as to want to decide from a writing whose author really lives in an ideal world and who, until he comes to the Passover, has breathed from the river of Lethe and forgotten all earthly measure of time, whether Jesus also visited the festivals more than once? Only one thing is certain, that the Passover – even the Passover! – has ideal significance for Mark, and that the time until this feast seems to him an eternity in which he knows no earthly calendar.

44

The fourth evangelist, who used no other sources for his news of the life of Jesus than the Gospels which we still possess, has distributed the life of his Lord in the Jewish festival cycles – but the admiration which was paid for it to the strength of his memory, the accuracy of his account, or higher influences, is now at last reduced to its proper measure, or rather to the opposite feeling.

One might now be inclined to agree with the Synoptics. For is it not more beautiful and more dignified how they present the matter, that Jesus first appears at the outermost edge of the holy land, establishes his work and only now enters the holy city in order to attack the corrupt hierarchy in the centre of its power and to fulfil his destiny?

It is more beautiful and more worthy, but not historical, for as yet we have found no trace of what is called history.

Weisse assumes that the public activity of Jesus must be attributed “a duration of a not too small number of years” *). We have no say in this, for reasons which we have already given. But we have a question to ask about the assumption that Mark got his material from Peter and yet, if we want to use this wretched prose of observation, which is quite inappropriate here, attributes such a very short period of time to the activity of Jesus. He has,” answers Weisse *), “in his endeavour to explain the isolated stories of Peter – that is to say, Peter has never – never – never! – never said a word about the whole? – into the solid whole of a history of the Lord’s life, by the manner of his transitions from one matter to another – Olshausen, how much wrong you have been done! – has created a semblance of continuity of events and thus also of changes in the setting of events, which a more skilful narrator, at least one who was at the same time a critical researcher, would undoubtedly have avoided. “

*) I, 292

*) I, 313 – 314.

45

No! Only one who knew an eyewitness like Peter would have avoided such a thing!

The Urevangelist, whom the Church called Mark, was not such a one.

The Urevangelist does not look at the transitions in any other way than the way he presents them. But carefully! He means to give definite, definite transitions, but in his ideal world he has at the same time lost the miserable prose of the earthly measure of time; he believes he is describing the history of an eternity, or at least he forgets the transitions, which are meant to be completely serious, in the view of the content, which to him is an infinite one. This is the contradiction of evangelical chronology. But the fact that it was possible for the evangelist to squeeze the creation of his ideal conception into such a short period of time for our calculation, proves first of all that the Christian principle is not capable of creating a true, extensive work of art and that the evangelist knew nothing less than the real life of Jesus.

But we want to hold him in such high esteem in any case that he is no longer asked the question of the festive journeys. This question is known only to the fourth and the theologian.

Admittedly, the theologian makes it very easy for himself in this respect too. He says: “the difference (between John and the poor Synoptics) in regard to chronology is easily (!) eliminated by the remark (!) that in the first three Gospels there are no chronological provisions at all” *).

*) Neander, 8. I. Chr. p. 380.

46

One can see that theology is an easy science; but its weight has become even lighter through criticism.

—————

 


§ 67. The Confession of Peter

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 3

—o0o—

Critique of the Gospel History 

of the 

Synoptics and John

by

Bruno Bauer.

Third and final volume.

Brauuschweig: Friedrich Otto.

1842

1

Eleventh section.

The express revelation of Jesus as the Messiah.

—————

§ 67.

The Confession of Peter.


At last, after Jesus had always done such works as were possible only for the Messiah, and which should have long since made him known as such, it is expressly stated who he is, and his Messianic dignity is definitely and clearly acknowledged and revealed in three forms. First Peter confesses his faith, then Jesus himself expresses his seal on this confession by speaking of the necessity that he must suffer as Messiah, and finally the temple also gives its voice in order to give the Messiah general recognition as such.

But if we say that at last this express acknowledgment comes to pass, we must first consider a contradiction in which Matthew’s account enters into relation to this view and expression.

 

1. The report of Matthew.

Matthew, too, wants us to look at the matter as if Jesus had only now been recognized as the Messiah by his own people, and by them first of all, but partly in this account itself, partly in the whole of the preceding scripture, he has elements which frustrate his intention.

2

When Jesus asks the disciples about the opinion of the people, he also intends to ask them about their own views of him. After the report on the public opinion did not confirm his identity, he asks them: ‘But what about you?’ he asked. ‘Who do you say I am?’ (Matthew 16:15). However, it would have been inappropriate if Jesus had already given the disciples the desired answer by asking them about the people’s opinion of him, the Son of Man. He could only ask if it was already established between him and the disciples that he was the Son of Man, that is, the Messiah. But the report by Matthew himself implies that this was not yet the case, as Jesus later asks the disciples for their opinion in a way that shows that they had not expressed or oriented themselves about this matter before – and when Peter’s happy answer is described later as one that could only have been given to him by the Heavenly Father.

It was thought that one could secure the possibility of asking the question by the remark that ‘the designation as Son of Man was at least not the usual one for the Messiah’ *). But first of all, he who makes this assumption would have to prove that his exact knowledge of the Christological conceptions of the Jews at the time of Jesus was the correct one, and then he should not forget that when Jesus not only speaks of the Son of Man in a parable, but calls himself such, this is also connected with the intention of calling himself or him the Messiah. But even if a parable speaks of the Son of Man (e.g. Matth. 13, 41), it is clear that everyone should think of the Messiah and under certain circumstances (Matth. 25, 31) of Jesus as the Messiah. In the end, the critic only has to think of Matthew, his time, his surroundings, his views and presuppositions, and if he takes this correct standpoint, he will not doubt it. If he takes this correct standpoint, he will not doubt that Matthew, when he calls Jesus the Son of Man, intends to call Him the Messiah. In short, Jesus speaks here as if the presupposition that he is the Messiah is fixed among the disciples and between them and him. In short, Matthew has significantly and very disturbingly reworked a foreign account, which this time first wants to emphasise the recognition of Jesus as the Messiah among the disciples, by leaving this presupposition in place, even elaborating it further (in Peter’s beatitude), and yet forcing into the account the other, the later presupposition, for which everything is already ready in the beginning, the presupposition that the disciples had long known their Master as the Messiah. He had to proceed in this way if he wanted to communicate the report of Mark and could not rewrite it any better; for, to mention only one thing, he had already put the confession into the mouths of the disciples: you are in truth the Son of God! yes, not only to the disciples, but to the people in general (C. 14, 33), which cannot surprise us, since already in the first days after his appearance even the blind had recognized Jesus as the Son of David (C. 9, 27). It is impossible that the disciples, when asked about the voice of the people (C. 16, 14), spoke as if it had not yet occurred to anyone that Jesus was the Messiah; it is also impossible that Jesus, after Peter’s confession, could forbid the disciples to reveal His Messianic dignity to the people (16, 20), since He had already openly declared Himself to be the Messiah in His first public speech, in the Sermon on the Mount.

*) Strauss L. I. I, 531. I. I, 531. Weisse 1, 321.

3

Only in the account of Mark (C. 8, 27 – 30), which is preceded by nothing like Matthew’s account, could Jesus ask: “What do the people say about me?” he could ask the disciples, when he was not satisfied with the news about the opinion of the people: But what do you say of me?” and when Peter confessed him to be the Messiah, he could forbid them to speak of the matter to others.

4

Matthew not only thoroughly paralyzed the presentation of Mark, but he also confused it in a single stroke from another perspective.Some, the disciples report, take you for the Baptist, others for Elljah, others think you are Jeremiah or one of the prophets. So three classes! But there must be four, since those who take Jesus for Jeremiah are different from those who take him for one of the prophets in general *). – Matthew thus very clumsily inserted his enrichment of Jewish Christology into the third compartment, in which Mark only placed those who considered Jesus to be one of the prophets.

*) Wilke, p. 367.

The diligence of Matthew has brought even more to dust, he has enriched the report of Mark by very great, very important new discoveries, but unfortunately we cannot approve them.

 

2. The new name of Simon.

Matth. 16, 17. 18.

When Peter confessed, ‘You are the Christ, the Son of the living God’ – according to Mark he only says, ‘You are the Christ,’ that is, the Anointed One, the Messiah; according to Luke, ‘You are the Christ of God’ – Jesus responds with a Pauline expression: ‘Blessed are you, Simon son of Jonah, for flesh and blood (Gal. 1:17) has not revealed this to you, but my Father in heaven. And I tell you that you are Peter,’ that is, a true rock, and from now on you shall be called Peter. This episode is inappropriate, as it should be followed immediately, as in Mark, by the prohibition not to reveal him to anyone as the Messiah. And if this prohibition, as in Matthew’s account, comes after the discussions about Simon’s new name and even after the further discussions about the foundation of the new church, it comes too late! It is appropriate, however, that the new Peter is immediately rebuked as Satan in verse 23.

5

Although Matthew has inserted the naming in the wrong place, he has at least motivated it by Peter’s confession. The fourth gospel writer, who wrote it down afterwards, has made it seem like it was done in the air when he describes the matter in such a way that Jesus immediately says to Simon when he sees him for the first time: ‘You shall be called Cephas’. Matthew believed he could use this method to justify Mark’s note that Simon received the nickname Peter from Jesus, while the fourth writer did not care about the motive and revealed that Jesus’ insight was so great that he recognized the rock in Peter at first sight.

Later (C. 6, 68-70), the Fourth uses Matthew’s account more diligently and, after asking Peter in a very stilted way whether they also wanted to leave him like others, he has him affirm: “We believe and have recognised that you are the Christ, the Son of the living God *). Finally, as in Matthew’s account Peter is accused of being Satan, the Fourth, who noticed the contradiction, at least made sure that after Peter’s confession (v. 70) Jesus called one of his disciples a devil.

*) Joh. 6, 69: συ ει ο Χριστός ο υιός του θεού του ζώντος.
Matth. 16, 17 ου ει ο Χριστός, ο υιός του θ. τ. ζώντος.

The other trait in Matthew’s account, that Jesus declares that on Peter he will found his church, has also not been passed over in the fourth Gospel: Jesus here commands Peter to tend his lambs; to indicate the seriousness of the commission, he tells him three times: “Feed my lambs” and to prove his worthiness, to prove his entitlement to this privilege, he has to answer in the affirmative the Lord’s question whether he loves him more than the others (C. 21, 15-17), – a very elaborate copy of the account we read in the Gospel of Matthew.

6

 

3. The foundation stone of the church.

Matth. 16, 18. 19.

If Calvin calls the man at Rome the “Antichrist” because of the assertion that Peter is proclaimed as the foundation of the Church by Jesus *), the critic must also put up with being called the Antichrist. For it concerns the correct interpretation of those words of Jesus in the Gospel of Matthew and – let us add – that commission given to Peter in the fourth gospel, which, as we have seen, is one and the same with that claim of Jesus in the former gospel, so it is not only a claim, not only a fiction, which the man in Rome has committed, but the correct explanation of the relevant passage in the gospel. The critic, as far as he is also an exegete, will absolutely agree with this man and will deeply sympathize with the torments that the literal-minded Protestant has brought upon himself.

The Protestants, not to mention the later zealots, that is, to stick with Calvin – one man! – ask: Can’t you see that the Antichrist is attributing to the person of Peter what is actually said about the faith of Peter? **) The Antichrist, however, cannot do otherwise; as long as he still has the use of his eyes and cannot understand to make them squint by force, he will also have to admit that if Peter is presented as this person, naturally as the person of such solid faith, and with the words: you are Peter! this person, naturally this person with this faith, is the rock on which the church is to be founded.

*) to Matth. 16, 18: Romanus Antichristus fingit Petrum vocari Ecclesiae fundamentum.

**) Quis non videt, quod (Antichr.) transfert ad hominis personam, de Petri fide in Christum dictum esse ?

7

But, say the Protestants further, when Jesus addresses Peter by name, it is only because Peter had confessed Jesus in the name of all; but for this very reason the Lord’s saying also refers to all the other disciples *). At last the time will come when language will no longer be robbed of its character of being language by theology. Can it be more strongly and powerfully described as something given by God only to Peter, that is, as a personal prerogative of Peter, that he recognised in Jesus the Anointed One, than if it is said that only the Father in heaven could have revealed this to him? Does the one to whom something has just been revealed from above express the conviction of others on their behalf? Would the Father in heaven have to intervene if Peter had to do nothing more than speak the conviction of others? – In the writing of Mark it can at most be the case that Peter expresses the conviction of the others; in the writing of Matthew it has become different, and the Fourth has correctly processed their view when he lets it depend on it that Peter loves the Lord more than the others before he lets him be entrusted with the oversight of his host.

*) Calvin: At Christus Petrum unum nominatim alloquitur: nempe sicuti unus omnium nomine Christum confessus fuerat dei filium, ila vicissim ad unum dirigitur sermo, qui tamen peraeque ad alios pertinet.

But, finally, it is said, if Peter, when he did not want to know about the suffering of Jesus, is called Satan, if this can only mean that he is like Satan, indeed, if he is even called Satan in this context, then it is clear, that only faith and not Peter as this person is called the pillar and foundation of the Church. Do you think, then, that it occurs to the Antichrist to suppose that Peter is to be called here with skin and hair and as this bone scaffolding covered with skin and flesh as the foundation on which the Church is founded? He with this faith is the foundation of the church, as he later, because of his earthly mindset without anxious reserve, is even called Satan himself.

8

But how can a man who so transgresses that he must be called Satan be appointed the foundation of the church? The critic will not rack his brains over this in the way you do, and weaken both sides of the contradiction: no! he says: Matthew has not only inserted a new element into the account of Mark, – but has also inserted it very clumsily, since he rather mechanically copied a trait from Mark, which, if he had only rcflectirt a little hastily, he would necessarily have had to suppress, or, as the Fourth did, completely change. Peter, the foundation of the Church, was not allowed to behave satanically, or if a satan should indeed appear, then another, such as Judas, would have had to take on this role.

The Roman Antichrist has correctly explained the words which form the diploma of Peter; the critical Antichrist agrees with him in this explanation, but withdraws the diploma from him when he refers to it, as to a divine handwriting, in order to prove his hierarchy as a divine work. This diploma did not first establish his hierarchy or legitimise it in advance, before it was established, but it was dictated by the already existing hierarchical view, by a view to which Peter already appeared as the prince of the church, and Matthew is the first to have written it. That word of Christ is the proof of the already existing hierarchy, it is the expression of the justification which the hierarchy presupposed for itself. The Bible-believing Protestant was not able to snatch this diploma from the man at Rome; only the critical Antichrist, after he has vidimirt it, can recognise it as correct and show that the seal and the signatures do not come from God’s hand, but from the hand of history, from a hand which, however, has issued many new and quite different diplomas. Let us therefore leave the man of Rome his handwriting; eregetically, as the Protestants thought, we shall not annul it; but if it is the hierarchy itself which has justified itself in this diploma, mankind has meanwhile written new diplomas which have long since refuted that old one, but only by their richer and more worthy contents.

9

The keys of the kingdom of heaven and the power to bind and loose were first given to Peter by Matthew *) and this power was somewhat inconsistently given to the disciples on another occasion (C. 18, 18). Otherwise, i.e. more specifically, in the primitive Gospel Jesus refers to the apostles only as messengers, emissaries, teachers, who are to proclaim the kingdom of heaven to the world, but not as church leaders, not as rulers who are to hierarchically determine the relationship of the individuals to heaven, i.e. only at the time of Matthew had the hierarchy already become such an essential and powerful element of the church that an evangelist writing at that time could not fail to confirm the prerequisites of it through the mouth of Jesus. Matthew is also the first evangelist who dared to put the word “Church” in the mouth of Jesus (16:18, 18:17).

*) He borrowed the formula for the blessing from the O. T.: Isa. 22, 22 και δώσω αυτή την κλείδα οίκου Δαυίδ. και ανοίξει και ουκ έσται ο αποκλείων, και-κλείσει και ουκ έσται και ανοίγων.

Mark knows nothing of all these things and in his work the question of Jesus about the opinion of the people, about the opinion of the disciples and the answer of Peter alone has its correct position and meaning, since no one had yet recognised Jesus as the Messiah and even not long before, as Mark had not failed to notice, the heart of the disciples was still closed (C. 6, 51. 52).

But if the report of Mark is aesthetically correct, this does not necessarily mean that it is historically correct.

10

 

4. The original report. 

Mark 8, 27 – 30.

How? In a man who performed such fearful wonders, who did nothing but miracles and attracted so much attention that he was immediately surrounded by crowds wherever he went, in a man whose miraculous power was trusted so much that as soon as he came into a city, the sick were brought to him in the market, should they not have recognised the Messiah long ago? Is there a more distasteful impossibility? Jesus has to perform these innumerable, these sky-scraping miracles because he is regarded as the Messiah in the evangelical view, he had to perform them in order to prove himself as the Messiah: and no one recognises the Messiah in him? Is not every Christian reader, when he sees these miracles, convinced that this man is the Messiah, and does he not know that the purpose of these miracles is to prove this man to him as the Messiah? And no one among the people should have made the childish conclusion that the mighty miracle-worker must be the Messiah? This conclusion of the children’s catechism would have been too difficult for a whole people, even for the disciples? What kind of children must Jesus have surrounded himself with, what kind of vain, miserable children must he have appeared among! No! these disciples, this people, were not even children in the sense in which one could speak here of children alone, they were warm infants in whom the first trace of humanity is not yet to be found, they were warm still less; for an infant can already smile to its nurses and knows how to distinguish them from others; they were lifeless dolls, they were warm nothing, they were warm less than nothing.

This terrible pragmatism remains both terrifying and horrifying, even after it has been resolved for us, as there are no more reports of miracles for us. It remains that it is itself the greatest evangelical miracle that the people had not already recognized the Messiah in this miracle-worker, and when Mark says that the disciples were so excessively terrified by Jesus’ walking on the sea because they had not yet recognized from the wonderful multiplication of the loaves who Jesus really was, their hearts were still closed and thick-skinned, that too is an enormous miracle, but a miracle that only the evangelist has created. Mark has surrounded the hearts of the disciples with this thick skin.

11

If this pragmatism now coincides with the miracle reports, one thing could still remain that the disciples only belatedly recognised the Lord as the Messiah, and that on one occasion when their Master questioned them about popular opinion. In vain! That the people regarded Jesus as the resurrected Baptist or as Elijah or as one of the prophets who came into the world for the second time, happened and happens in the Gospel only under the condition that Jesus performs miracles, as it must have happened to the Baptist when he really returned from the grave, or to an Elijah or one of the old prophets (Mark 6, 14 ). This popular opinion – which has already proven to us to be a mere fabrication of Mark – is therefore also impossible and with it the confession of Peter, which can only stand in contrast to it, falls to the ground.

Nothing can maintain itself in the report. To make matters worse, we can ask whether Jesus, who always went about with the disciples, thus had to experience the same things as the disciples and, in view of the stupidity and narrow-mindedness of the disciples presupposed in the Gospels, did not know better than the disciples how to test the spirits, how to fathom the mood of the people and how to recognise public opinion?

The disciples had indeed once undertaken a short missionary journey, and it would be possible that they had learned many things on that journey that had remained hidden from their Master. As if they could have learned more on such a short journey than the Lord could have learned during his whole activity, which always brought him into contact with the people, as if much time had not passed since their return (C. 6, 30), as if this missionary journey had not only lasted a very short time, but had also only begun and ended in the mind of the evangelist.

12

And why must Jesus have been on a journey through the villages of Caesarea Philippi when he asked the disciples about the opinion of the people and learned about the threefold view, which was already detailed in another way by the evangelist above, when it was said that Herod saw in Jesus the resurrected Baptist, but others assumed in him Elijah, others one of the prophets? So Herod is no longer alone in his view? He found proselytes? Oh no! Above, Herod had to see in Jesus the resurrected Baptist, so that, among others, Mark would have the opportunity to report the end of John, some had to assume Elijah in Jesus, because Mark is about to report deeds of Jesus that are Elijah-like, and others had to see one of the prophets in Jesus for the sake of dear symmetry. But why must Jesus, if he is to hear of these popular opinions, travel to the region of Caesarea Philippi? So that he might be near the region where Mark thinks the Herods and Herod’s judgment of Jesus at that time were pronounced, so that he might be near a city whose epithet reminds one of the Herods.

If the miracle reports no longer exist for us, i.e. if we have not heard a word yet that is, if we have not yet heard a word that could inform us in the least about Jesus and his historical existence, if even the last report of Mark has unravelled, the theologian could still stir in us in the end and, in the anguish of despair, draw the still genuinely theological conclusion that at least it is historical that Jesus was only recognised as Messiah by his disciples in the last days of his life. This is again nothing, because it is still a theological quackery! How can we draw a conclusion about the historical circumstances when all the data that we can and should use have disappeared from our hands? A Messiah who does not perform miracles and who does not perform miracles incessantly is impossible, is an impossibility. Jesus could not consider himself to be the Messiah and could not demand that he be recognised as such if he did not perform miracles, and it could not occur to the twelve, who have long since ceased to exist for us, to consider him to be the Messiah if they did not see him perform miracles. Jesus could only be considered the Messiah when he performed miracles, but he only performed miracles when he rose in the faith of the congregation as the Messiah, and that was one and the same fact, that he rose as the Messiah and that he performed miracles. This resurrection of his, this revelation of him as the Messiah, was the miracle of all miracles, and this miracle of all miracles, of which all other miracles were natural consequences, was the resurrection and the spiritual birth of the Messiah, because it was a fact of religious consciousness.

The fact that Mark only reveals the Messiahship of Jesus to the disciples on the journey to Caesarea Philippi, namely now, when Jesus’ career is about to come to an end, has already been explained by the fact that Mark still has a kind of feeling that Jesus has not been recognised and acknowledged as the Messiah by the people, not even by his immediate surroundings in the flat way that the later imagined. His conception and presentation of the matter is the later development carried over into the past, through which it finally came to a Christian community for which Jesus had become the Messiah. In addition, he was guided by an artistic instinct which moved him to let the interest, the development of faith, develop gradually, so that only after a long period of Jesus’ activity, indeed almost only at the end of it, does faith arise in the circle of the disciples, and only afterwards, after the herald of the larger crowd of believers has greeted the Lord in the blind man of Jericho, does the faith of the people mature and express itself at the solemn entry into Jerusalem. Admittedly, this artistic concept had to be completely spoiled when Jesus performed miracles and had to perform miracles as the Messiah, which should have made him recognisable to every child as the Messiah. We cannot, therefore, accuse Matthew very severely if he has somewhat more crudely thwarted this artistic concept, which he still mechanically preserved in its outward structure in his work, by having Jesus openly call Himself the Messiah beforehand and having not a few acknowledge Him as such. And the Fourth had no special work of art to destroy when he presented the matter in such a way that everyone who wanted to could know from the beginning that Jesus was the Messiah.

14

Of the numerous consequences that follow from this result, we must now emphasise some that relate to the designation of the Messiah as the Son of Man.

 

5. The Messiah as the Son of Man.

In the prophecy, as in the fulfilment, the Messiah was only an ideal product of religious consciousness; he did not exist as a sensually given individual. Everything that is valid for religious consciousness is always only its own deed and creation. Even the Dalai-Lama is as such the work and creature of his servants.

The designation of the Messiah as the Son of Man was only created when the Messiah came into existence for the Christian consciousness, and was only created late, as it first appears in the Gospel of Mark..

The external material of the name is borrowed from the well-known passage in the Book of Daniel, where it is described how the Messiah approaches the throne of the Ancient of Days on the clouds of heaven like the Son of Man, i.e. in human form, and it is now generally acknowledged that from this material, through Christian reworking, the form arose in which, as its most significant name says, human nature has produced a fruit in which it is itself reborn and transfigured as the true man.

15

“In the choice of expression,” says Weisse, presupposing that Jesus chose and formed it for himself, “a noble modesty manifests itself alongside a sublime sense of self, which does not aggressively impose the high sense it wants to express like a hawker. *)  We have freed Jesus from the glory of this modesty, which would still inwardly tickle itself over the sublime meaning of the expression and over the difficulty which the insidious title should have for the reflection of the hearers. As the expression came into being, it was clear to everyone who heard it, and, apart from being modest about it, it is rather the expression of the highest reverence, which first saw in Jesus the true man, the true fruit of the species. There is, however, one side to it, where it denotes a condescension, only we must understand the nature of it correctly. He describes the humanisation of religion, the turning of religion into humanity and the drawing down of Jewish consciousness, for which the highest was only the One beyond, in the One who is man here on earth among men. Therein lies the attractive power of the expression. But since it is again religious, it necessarily alienates the species from its fruit, from the fruit into which it has thrown all its essential power, and it makes even the human appearance, in which the religious consciousness of humanity beholds humanity, an otherworldly transcendent object.

*) I, 324. 325.

All the conclusions that one wants to draw from the use that Jesus made of this expression are unfounded, since Jesus did not use it. All those answers to the question as to what the Messianic plan of Jesus was like, whether it was at the same time a political or a purely ideal one, these answers are sufficiently appreciated by the fact that we forget them and delete the question. Only someone else should try to raise the question again and even answer it before he has the little phrases that he necessarily needs, taken from the arsenal of criticism.. The Gospels, as a creation of the congregation, teach us only how the kingdom of heaven, i.e. the idea of the kingdom of heaven, was understood in the congregation at the time when it came into being. And if it then seems, as, for example, Weisse also says, while he, of course, wants to enlighten us according to his presupposition about the consciousness of Jesus, that it is ideally conceived *), then this conception, too, is still very much in need of correction. To be sure, the kingdom of heaven of the church is not the Messiah’s kingdom of the prophets, and it is partly correct to say that the Old Testament concept of the kingdom of God was “transformed and spiritualized” in the New Testament; but if the political fury of the prophetic Messiah and the wonderful material ornamentation of the Old Testament kingdom of God were kept away from the church, then all this was kept away only in the sense that in the future all these beautiful things would return.

In the future, the struggle of the Kingdom of Heaven with the world is at the same time a political one – (with Rome, the whore of Babylon) – and in the completed alignment of the Kingdom of Heaven, the wonderful matter and the material, very sensual miracle are not missing. But we do not even need to look so far into the future, for Jesus is already performing miracles that are so strong and striking as only a prophet full of his Messiah could expect. Religious consciousness cannot do without the materialism of miracles, because even when it makes the spirit its watchword, it still does not know the real spirit, the spiritual mediation.

*) l, 327.

16

The correct understanding of this relationship saves us from many troubles, both in general and in detail, and spares us the effort of making Jesus into an overly clever man who ultimately gains nothing from his cleverness and is always pursued by the specter he wants to escape. For example, Mark (8:30) reports that Jesus immediately forbade the disciples to tell anyone about Peter’s confession. Theologians and apologetic critics *) say that Jesus did not want to get involved with Jewish expectations and imaginings about the Messiah. But what about the specter that Jesus was said to have always had in his back? Was this really evidence of that alleged “unwillingness to engage”? Was this really a man, a real man, who, in order to deal with a specter that he believed was pursuing him, simply tried to flee from it and didn’t even want to know its name? Isn’t it rather the duty of a man to confront such phantasms and to debunk them in front of others? And was it really the right way to instruct the disciples, who for the first time recognized and confessed him as the Messiah, about the manner in which he was, if all he had to say on this occasion was that they should not speak to anyone about it?

*) E. g. Weisse, I, 530.

17

Jesus forbids the disciples to speak of the matter to others, because the pragmatism of the primal gospel would have it so, because the faith of the people should only arise later in the way we have seen it. Luke, from whose account we still have a glimpse,

 

6. The account of Luke.

C. 9, 18 – 23.

Lukas has connected this prohibition with the following words of Jesus that the “Son of Man” **) must suffer, when he presents the matter in such a way that Jesus thinks that his impending suffering is the reason why they should not reveal his messianic dignity to anyone – as if such a thing could be hidden under a bushel! *). However, Luke, who in a moment later was capable of rashness, had the crowd of seventy cast out the demons in the name of the Lord (C. 10, 17), was the least able to make clear to himself the vague hint of connection that he thought he heard here. 

We only note that according to the pragmatism of the Ur-Gospel, the recognition of Jesus as the Messiah was necessary precisely to bring about his hour of suffering, that Luke, by inserting his reflection into the text, excluded the not unimportant remark of Mark that Jesus now began to speak openly and without reservation about the necessity of his suffering, and that it is in Mark’s Gospel that this word about suffering has its original and powerful place as a contrast to the rising of the light in which the Lord now appears to the disciples, and to Peter’s “fleshly” wish that his master might be spared from suffering. This scene, in which Peter seizes the Lord and urges him not to think of such things – Matthew has formed the words: “God forbid, Lord, this will not happen to you”. – that Jesus turns around, threatens and resists Peter and says: “Get thee away from me, Satan – thou art an offence unto me!” Matthew has him add **) – “Thou thinkest not what is God’s, but what is man’s:” – Luke has omitted this scene and robbed the following speech of Jesus, which he nevertheless copies from Mark, the speech about the necessity that his followers must also suffer, of its next motive.

**) Now, did Mark and Luke, who both put the same word here, also have the conception that it did not designate the Messiah as closely or as definitely as the other?

*) Luk. 8, 21. 22 παρήγγειλε μηδενί ειπείν τούτο είπων- ότι δει ….

**) Matth. 16, 23. Cf. v. 27 and 13, 41.

18

Luke himself must have revealed that he omitted an intermediate element when he forms the transition to this speech with the remark: “But he said to all” (9:23), a remark that only has its place when the negotiation with an individual precedes it.

19

We have to admit that Luke partially corrected a small mistake of Mark when he vaguely says that Jesus spoke to everyone. The original Gospel writer, in his account, introduced a progression: after Jesus asked his disciples who they thought he was, Peter speaks up, then he appears again when Jesus talks about his suffering, and then when Peter forcibly grabs him and tries to persuade him, Jesus turns around and looks at all the disciples while calling Peter Satan. Finally, Jesus summons the crowd to hear the teachings on the duties of true followers of the suffering Messiah. And yet, we must imagine Jesus completely alone with his disciples when he asked them about the opinion of the people, alone with the disciples to whom he has just proclaimed the necessity of his suffering and whom he has forbidden to speak publicly about his messianic dignity when he says that his followers must take up their cross. What did the crowd understand about the cross or even about the necessity of suffering if they had not heard anything about the suffering of the Messiah before? Where does the crowd come from when Jesus has been thinking alone with his disciples so far? Mark made a mistake by suddenly conjuring up the crowd, thinking and rightly thinking – after all, he only sees the congregation in the crowd – that the following sayings are too general not to be heard by everyone.

He made a mistake, but Luke made an even bigger mistake when he wrote: Jesus spoke to all, and when he still omitted the negotiations with Peter. Matthew slightly toned down the escalation that Mark had brought into his account when, after Jesus’ dialogue with Peter, he noted (16:24) that the Lord spoke the following sayings to the disciples.

20

To those who, like Schleiermacher, *), are concerned with a rather complete pragmatism and who everywhere are looking for a rather crude, real and tangible story, Luke can seem to prepare a real joy of the heart by the way in which he connects the accounts here. It is not enough that he connects the question of the people’s voice with the sending out and return of the disciples so closely that it seems Jesus wanted to ask his missionaries about the experiences they had gathered on their journey – for no sooner have they returned than Jesus feeds the multitudes, and when he has withdrawn from them into solitude for prayer, he asks the disciples what they think of him – but the connection is even closer, because if we were talking about the multitudes, Jesus now asks the disciples not what “the people” but the “multitudes” think of him (C. 9, 10 -18). This close connection alone – as if Jesus could not have recognized and judged the view of the crowds he was dealing with by means of his keen insight – destroys this wonderful pragmatism and destroys it to such an extent that we hardly need to remind ourselves of it, that we hardly need to remember how the way in which Luke introduces the account of the feeding has long since resolved itself for us, and the reason why he does not have the other accounts here, which he read in the writing of Mark at this point, has cleared itself up for us.

*) A. a. O. p. 135.

We only need to note that he suppressed the note of the journey to Caesarea Philippi here because he still wants to report many journeys and deeds of Jesus, even the sending of the Seventy, i.e. that journey, which in the Gospel gives the impression that it is the last before the departure to Jerusalem and because of the conversation about the sufferings the preparation for the last journey, he was not allowed to mention because he still wants to write many chapters before the catastrophe comes.

21

But he helped himself very badly. He broke the frame and threw it away, and he put the picture in his writing. He copies Jesus’ speech to Mark about the necessity of his suffering, a speech that is supposed to prepare us for the approach of the catastrophe, and – he writes so many more chapters. He has helped himself very badly; he strained out gnats but swallowed camels.. Only in the writing of Mark do these prophecies of Jesus about his death have their proper place and, in relation to the passages in the book, their true harmony. Matthew, on the whole, has given these sayings their proper place, but has cancelled their harmony with the more definite arrangement of the subsections. The Fourth can hardly be mentioned in comparison with the Synoptics, since the idea of the suffering of the Messiah is already expressed at the moment when Jesus only shows himself from afar and has not even stepped onto the stage, thus introducing this Gospel of the heart.

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§ 66. The demand for signs

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by Neil Godfrey

389

§ 66.

The demand for signs.

Matth. 16, 1-4.


As a sign that he was a man of God, Elijah commanded the heavens and called down rain and fire (1 Kings 18:45. L Kings 1:10): let the Messiah do likewise, the Pharisees demand, if he really wants to prove himself as Messiah *). Jesus rejects their demand: from the colour of the sky they know how to determine the weather in the evening and in the morning, but they do not understand the signs of the times? But there shall no sign be given unto this generation, save that of Jonah.

*) Compare (also after the feeding of the people as in Mark and Matthew) John 6, 30 : τί ούν ποιείς συ σημείον, ίνα ίδωμεν και πιστευσωμεν σοι. Furthermore John 4, 48.

390

Matthew has brought together two sayings that have different points without defining their mutual relationship. Each of them would have been strong enough to reject the demand for signs: in the first, it is the signs of the times that point to the kingdom of heaven; in the second, it is Jesus as this person himself who guarantees the arrival of the kingdom of heaven. Matthew now comes to the report of Mark about the demand for signs, which he had already given above, transcribes it with the original punch line and enriches it, i.e. confuses it, by inserting Luke’s saying (C. 12, 54-56.) about the signs of the times *).

*) with a slight change, namely, that throughout it speaks of heaven.

Finally, this is the place to make a remark which has already found its proof in the above investigations. Matthew often reports the same fact twice; indeed, it probably happens to him that he relates the same event three times. In former times this phenomenon was explained, depending on the different presuppositions from which one proceeded, either in such a way that one said that the same thing could really have happened more than once, or one maintained that variations on the same theme had developed in the tradition of the congregation and that Matthew had always communicated them with the setting in which they were handed down to him by tradition. On the other hand, we do not even need to remember that the Gospels give us neither the empirical reality of Jesus’ life nor the later tradition that was formed in the view of the community: But no one will be able to deny that reality is rich and manifold, and does not repeat itself so tautologically as Matthew would have us believe, and that the first law of historical memory, when it presents itself in a coherent work, as well as of tradition, if it had really existed in this case and had rounded itself off into a certain type, is simplicity, i.e. at the same time true variety. i.e. at the same time true diversity. Let us, however, leave the abstract argument that the same thing has “happened” several times, or that it has been able to “take shape” in tradition, in a fine place, i.e., in the air, and let us remember that the tradition has really existed and rounded itself off into a certain type. If, however, we leave the abstract argumentation that the same thing has “happened” several times or “been able to take shape” in tradition in its place, i.e. in wishful thinking, and if, on the contrary, we remember the real and thousandfold proven fact, then it is beyond all doubt – we need only read over the writing of Mark – that the writer who freely creates a historical whole from the ideal conception does not repeat himself, observes the law of simplicity and diversity, and is therefore so fortunate as to bring about a coherent composition. Matthew’s outward and servile dependence on the letter of the scriptures he used and wrote out explained to us the tautologies of his historical works.

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§ 65. The Canaanite Woman

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

383

§ 65.

The Canaanite Woman.

Matth. 15, 21-28.

If one has not yet discovered the scriptural origin of the Gospels, one must be very surprised that the disciples ask their Master to satisfy the Canaanite woman, while the latter replies very sternly that he was sent only to the lost sheep of Israel. In order to avoid all unfortunate consequences, one could say that the request of the disciples came only from a vague compassion, not from a freer insight, and furthermore they wanted to be rid of the annoying cry of the woman, who incessantly cried out behind the Lord: Have mercy on me, Lord, son of David, my daughter is badly afflicted by demons. If the disciples are now duly suspected, one could try to soften the Lord’s offensive word that he was sent “only” to the sheep of Israel, and claim that Jesus was inwardly determined to help the woman, depending on her proving faith. But if Jesus had really inwardly harboured this reservation, he would at least now, after letting the disciples feel the apparent harshness of his purpose and of the divine decree, have to turn kindly to the woman: But not only does he not do so, but even more harshly than he had just done, he tells the woman that he must not waste on the Gentiles the benefits that are meant only for the Jews – “it is not nice to take the children’s bread and throw it to the dogs” – and it is only by chance, the woman’s unexpected strong statement of faith, that he moves him to heal her daughter from afar. So he has nothing on the disciples: if they only wanted the woman to be helped so that they would be relieved of the annoying crying, Jesus, against his expectation and intention, is moved by an accidental surprise to grant the woman’s request. Indeed, the disciples seem to stand even higher because they initially felt compassion, while Jesus had to be disarmed by a new bold attack.

384

The point of the story is obviously in the woman’s startling words: “Yes, Lord! (namely, it is indeed not right to give the bread of the children to the dogs, but for this reason I do not have to be excluded) for even the dogs eat the crumbs that fall from their master’s table.” But if the disciples have already pleaded for the woman and without success, this point comes too late and the contrast that has now come into the narrative remains unclear; on the other hand, the exclusion of the Gentiles has become much too serious if Jesus only tells the disciples and then the woman that he has nothing to do with foreigners, and the coincidence that suddenly changes his view becomes even more arbitrary, making the whole picture restless and unstable.

The disciples must step aside, Jesus must not have previously spoken to them about his limited mission, so that at the first moment when the woman addresses him, the collision is formed and resolved through the bold faith of the Gentile woman: in short, so that the original account, the story of Mark (Mark 7:24-30) is restored. The foreign intruders that Matthew has allowed into the original account will be easily sent back home. Just as the woman’s cry, “Have mercy on me, Son of David,” and the fact that she cries out, are borrowed from Mark’s account of the healing of the blind man at Jericho, so also the other feature that the others find this crying annoying and want peace is also taken from there: in Mark’s account, the people there are generally threatening the blind man to be quiet (Mark 10:47), here, in the present story, the crowd is missing, so the disciples must step aside, find the crying annoying, and ask for the request to be granted – because Matthew knows that the miracle will be performed later – and when it comes to the disciples’ words, Matthew remembers that they have said to the Lord on another occasion: “Send them away!” (Mark 6:36, Matthew 14:15). They must now say the same thing, even though the words take on a different meaning on this occasion.

385

If it was now finally a matter of dispatching the disciples – but they had to be dispatched, so that only by the woman’s believing utterance would the collision be resolved – Matthew took the words of Jesus, which the woman hears in the Scripture of Mark, and reworked the one member – for Jesus’ answer has two members – into that saying with which Jesus rejects the disciples’ request. Under this work, a contradiction that Mark had introduced into Jesus’ words was eliminated. For when it is said: let the children first be filled, for it is not good to take “the children’s bread” and throw it to the dogs, in the first clause the dogs are left with the prospect that when the children are filled they will also be filled, but in the second clause of the saying they are deprived of any hope that they will receive bread. The contradiction is to be explained by the fact that Mark was still timid, did not dare to show the limit of Jesus’ destiny in its stark exclusiveness from the outset and, moreover, was involuntarily dominated at this moment by the ecclesiastical view that salvation was first destined for the Jews. But this mood and these influences worked only secretly: the main reason which produced the contradiction lies in the fact that Mark modelled Jesus’ speech on the conversation between Elijah and the widow of Sarepta (1 Kings, 17, 12.13.). How that widow, when Elijah demanded bread from her, asserted the need of her son*), but Elijah spoke courage to her and commanded her to give him first (L. XX s-, nßwroes) bread first, and that with God’s help her son would also find what he needed later, just as in this context it is a question of the previous satisfaction of another, so Jesus must also assert the need of the children, who had to be satisfied first, and only in the second part of the sentence, when the general principle is stated that one must not take “their bread” from the children, only then does it happen that the barrier of Jesus’ determination and the exclusive prerogative of the Jews involuntarily emerge for a moment. But only for a moment! For the woman overthrows the barriers by her bold word, and she had to overthrow them, since the woman of Sarepta also gives the bread, which was intended for her child, to the strange man. Matthew, however, has strengthened the barrier far too much when he suppresses the provision of precedence, which was originally at issue, and even allows the Lord to assert twice to the disciples and to the woman the exclusive privilege of the Jews.

If it was finally about getting rid of the disciples – they had to be dismissed so that the collision would be resolved later by the faithful utterance of the woman – then Matthew took the words of Jesus that the woman hears in the Gospel of Mark and turned one clause, which actually consists of two, into the saying with which Jesus rejects the request of the disciples. In this work, a contradiction that Mark had brought into the words of Jesus was eliminated. When it says, “Let the children be satisfied first, for it is not right to take the children’s bread and throw it to the dogs,” in the first clause, the dogs are allowed the prospect that they too would be satisfied later when the children are full, while in the second clause of the saying, any hope that they would get bread is taken away from them. The contradiction is explained by the fact that Mark was still hesitant to show the limit of Jesus’ determination in its harsh exclusivity from the outset and was unconsciously dominated by that ecclesiastical view that the Jews were initially (prōton) determined to have salvation. But these moods and influences only worked in secret: the main reason for the contradiction was that Mark had modeled Jesus’ speech after the conversation between Elijah and the widow of Zarephath (1 Kings 17:12-13). Just as that widow, when Elijah asked her for bread, pleaded the need of her son *), and Elijah encouraged her and told her to bring him bread first (LXX εν πρωτοις), with God’s help, her son’s needs would be met afterwards, since this context is about the previous satiation of another, so Jesus must now also assert the need of the children who had to be satiated first against the woman. Only in the second clause of the saying, when the general principle is expressed that one should not take the children’s “bread”, does the barrier of Jesus’ determination and the exclusive prerogative of the Jews unintentionally emerge for a moment. But only for a moment! For the woman overturns the barriers with her bold words, and she had to overturn them, since that widow of Zarephath also gave the bread that was intended for her child to the stranger. However, Matthew has fortified the barrier far too much, by suppressing the determination of priority, which was originally at stake, and even twice allowing the Lord to assert to the disciples and to the woman that the exclusive privilege of the Jews was claimed.

*) Wilke, 570.

386

The situation is still to be considered. Matthew says that the Lord went “into” the territory of Tyre and Sidon and that the woman – a Canaanite, Mark calls her a Greek, from Syro-Phoenicia – met him “just there” when she came “from” the same territory – i.e. Matthew reports an impossibility **). He has written out Mark wrongly! Mark not only reports that Jesus, like Elijah, when he set out for Sarepta, wanted to remain hidden, that he was in a house when that woman approached him and asked for help for her daughter, but he also presents the matter reasonably when he says: Jesus was near the Phoenician region, and here *) that woman came to him; this is just as reasonable and coherent as it is the simple expression of the idea with which we are here concerned. “Jesus was near the Phoenician territory, but not within it.” That woman had come out to him, they stand on the border where the Jewish and the Gentile separated and touched. “Jesus now understands the woman as if she were asking him to go away from the part of the territory where the Jews could seek his help, and to go with the Gentile woman over the border. But the woman says that Jesus can stay where he is and help her from afar **). – The same idea, the same situation – only more appropriately modelled on the idea – that we have already become acquainted with in the story of the centurion of Capernaum.

**) An example of how even the rationalist knows how to tame the contradictions of Scripture! Το Matth. 15, 21 εις τα μερη . . . . remarks Fritzsche p. 516: plurimi post Grotium εis hic versus notare ajunt, quibus ego non tam ideo assentior, quod Mark 7, 24 habet απηλθεν εις τα μεθορια τυρου και σιδωνος quam quod Jesum Hebraeorum terrae fines transgressum esse credibile non est. So therefore εις shall cease to be the region?

*) Mark 7, 31 ist εκ των οριων τυρου και σιδωνος die Gränze und Nachbarschaft von Phönicien, während Matthew C. 15, 22 τα ορια zu dem Gebiete als solchem gemacht hat. Τα ορια entſpricht hier den μερη V. 21.

**) Wilke, p. 578.

387

This idea that Jesus was working beyond the boundaries of his historical sphere of activity gave rise to the present account and subjugated the elements of the story of Elijah (1 Kings 17:8-24) and used them for its representation.

Luke changed the Phoenician woman into the centurion of Capernaum, but also used the hint of Mark, which pointed him to the story of Elijah, to introduce the widow, whose son Elijah raised from the dead, into the Gospel story as the widow of Nain ***). But that only the account of the Phoenician widow by Mark really led him to the story of Elijah, is clearly proved by Luke, when immediately after the account of the centurion, i.e., after he had introduced the idea of the “widow of Nain” into the Gospel story. Luke proves this very clearly when, immediately after the account of the centurion, i.e. after he has let the idea of the work come into his own, he takes the interest of a miracle that happened to a dead man from the Old Testament account and immediately lets it be followed by the awakening of the young man of Nain (C. 7,1-16.).

***) Wilke has attributed the woman of Sarepta, p. 570, to the widow of Nain. Nain again. Luke 7, 12: ως δε ηγγισεν τη πυλη της πολεως και ιδου . . . . χηρα. 1 Κοnig. 17, 10: και ήλθεν εις τον. πυλώνα της πόλεως και ιδού εκεί γυνή κήρα.

Luke 7, 15: και έδωκεν αυτόν τη μητρι αυτού. 1 Kings 17, 23 : και έδωκεν αυτό τη μητρί αυτού.

Luke 7, 16; και εδόξαζον τον θεόν λέγοντες· ότι προφήτης μέγας εγήγερται εν ημίν. 1 Kings 17, 24 : και είπεν ή γυνή … ιδού έγνωκα, ότι συ άνθρωπος θεού.

388

If the idea and the first elements of the account of the Phoenician woman have been betrayed, it would be pointless to talk about the so-called credibility. Weisse also says *) that “the story cannot be understood factually, otherwise Jesus would this time hardly be acquitted of the accusation of a narrow-minded bias in national antipathies, which is so little in keeping with his other way of thinking and acting. However, we have not yet found out how Jesus thought and acted in other ways, and we will only be able to examine this later **). Weisse continues: “If, on the other hand, we take the whole for a parable invented by himself, the harshness that lies in the first answer to the woman’s request is cancelled out by the intention in which the whole narrative is then designed from the outset. The point of the whole does not rest in that first answer, but in the woman’s reply. But even in this case the harshness of Jesus’ answer would remain, since he would always have stood as this particular, empirical person before those to whom he presented the parable, and would have taught them the idea that he could speak equally harshly in such situations. Supposing Jesus had wanted to speak of himself in a parable and such a lecture had been possible at all, he would have had to introduce himself completely appropriately from the outset, but not put himself in a crooked light, not present himself as excessively limited. Only in the community, when his person had become an ideal quantity and as such could more easily be set in motion in the dialectic of outlook, then when the universality of the Principle had long been assured and the limitation could be instantly lowered to a momentary semblance of dialectic, only then was it possible that those limited words could be formed. One was much too sure to take offence at them, and passed over them impartially, since in the resolution of the collision they already annulled their limitedness of their own accord. In any case, contradictions of this kind were unavoidable if a dialectic, which was carried out by Paul in the pure element of reflection, was to be vividly portrayed in the immediacy of historical appearance.

*) I, 5-7.

**) Strauss (1, 571.) takes the present account seriously in order to argue about how Jesus wanted to relate to the Gentiles; he thus gives us arguments that go into the blue, like most of his reasoning about points of this kind, since they are based on apologetic premises. The critic should leave such reflections to the theologians, who are far better suited to them!

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§ 64. The divine commandment and the statutes of men

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

374

§ 64.

The divine commandment and the statutes of men.

Matth. 15,1-20.

Once again it was the way of life of the disciples – the fact that they did not wash their hands before meals – which must have given the Pharisees and scribes cause to attack Jesus Himself. “Why do your disciples transgress the tradition of the elders?” with these words they hold the Master responsible for the behaviour of his disciples. Jesus, on the other hand, asks them why they, on their part, transgress the commandment of God for the sake of the tradition of the elders and shows them by example how they subordinated the duties commanded by law to the demands of the hierarchy. They were the hypocrites of whom Isaiah had spoken when he said: “This people draws near to me with its mouth and with its lips it honours me, but its heart is far from me; but in vain do they serve me, setting up doctrines which are nothing but the commandments of men. And he called the people unto him, and said unto them, Not that which entereth into the mouth defileth a man; but that which goeth out of the mouth defileth a man.

375

Then came his disciples unto him, and said, Knowest thou that the Pharisees were offended when they heard the word? But he answered, Every plant which my heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted up. Let them alone: they are blind guides of the blind, but if one blind man guides another, both fall into the pit. Peter answered and said unto him, Interpret this parable unto us. Jesus gives the interpretation, setting forth one from another, how all things that enter into the mouth go into the belly, and passes out into the sewer. But that which goes out of the mouth, he continues, comes out of the heart, and that defiles the man. For out of the heart come evil thoughts, murder, adultery, fornication, thievery, false witness, blasphemy. But eating with unwashed hands does not defile a man.

It is not difficult to dissolve this report to such an extent that the foreign and disturbing elements it contains are separated from it and the original report emerges in its true form from this chemical process.

If the disciples, v. 12, know nothing more to say to the Lord than that the Pharisees were angry about the word – it is not known which word: whether the saying about tradition or about that which really defiles man is meant – they are so familiar with the latter saying about true defilement that they are only interested in what kind of impression it made on the opponents. They thus indicate that they themselves have understood the saying. But this is contradicted when Peter asks the Lord afterwards (v. 15) to interpret “this” parable. But which one? This one? Immediately before went the saying of the blind guide, further back the saying of the plant which the heavenly Father has not planted: “this” parable must therefore be one of the two sayings, and yet it is the saying of that which goes in and out of the mouth? Indeed, says Fritzsche, for one must certainly note and hold that this parable still occupied Peter inwardly and that it is generally the most important in the context *). But where does Fritzsche get such exact information about what was going on in Peter’s mind at that moment, and is it really because of this that the two sayings (v. 13.14.), over which Peter’s question easily disregards itself, were so unimportant? How, finally, can Peter, if he wants to answer, raise the question about the meaning of that long-delayed saying, after (v. 12) a new interest had arisen and Jesus had continued this new turn of interest and conversation, i.e. had distracted even further from that saying? Nothing new must have occurred between that saying about the defilement and the question about its meaning. So it is in the writing of Mark: there Jesus, after having dispatched the Pharisees, calls the people, tells them what really defiles man, and now when he had gone away and arrived at home, “the disciples” – not Peter – ask him about the meaning of the parable (Mark 7,14-17.). Matthew not only interrupted the connection, but completely dissolved it: he borrowed the saying about the blind guide from Luke (C. 6, 39.), and only formed the one about the plant at this moment.

*) to Matth, p. 515.

377

We want to put less emphasis on the fact that in the writing of Matthew the explanation of the saying that the disciples wanted to have interpreted is much better worked out – the contrast of that which enters the human being “from the outside” and does not even enter the heart, and of that which rises from the heart “from the inside” is pure and sharp, not to mention the point that the processing of the food that finally enters the stomach and the sewer is called a cleansing of the same (Mark 7, 18-23.) – but in this Matthew has been extraordinarily careful, that at the close of the discourse, when that which defiles a man is mentioned, he lets the Lord say: “but to eat with unwashen hands defileth not a man.” Matthew wanted to refer back to the occasion, but wrongly and to the great detriment of the saying about what really defiles, which went far beyond the limited occasion and not only overturned the tradition of the Pharisees but the dietary laws of the OT in general. If nothing that enters the mouth defiles the human being, and thus the legal regulations of the OT no longer apply, what need is there to say that washing the hands before the meal is not necessary for the purity of the human being? This trailing remark is not only superfluous, but disturbing, indeed it destroys the whole sense of the preceding argument.

The original account is finally fully restored when we remove Jesus’ speech against the Pharisees from the structure that Matthew has given it and return it to its true arrangement. Matthew (Ch. 15:3-9) has placed the specific aspect of the opponents disregarding the law for the sake of tradition, as it shows in their theory of vows, before the general aspect that Isaiah had prophesied excellently about them. Mark, on the other hand, has organized it better, and we find in him (Ch. 7:6-13) the original structure of the speech when he moves from the general to the specific and indicates with the closing words, “and you do many other things like these,” that much more specific things could be listed and that the one cited should only serve as an example. Furthermore, “the words ‘you hypocrites, Isaiah was right when he prophesied about you,’ fit much better if they are still allowed to question how he was right, and thus move from the general to the specific about them, rather than following after the specific proof has been given *).” Wille has also drawn attention to another corruption of the original: in Marcus (Ch. 7:21-22), it says that “evil thoughts, adultery, fornication, murder, etc.” come forth from the heart of man. Thus, thoughts are presented as the general and principle of the specific things that are enumerated later. However, Matthew has omitted the article and added thoughts to the specific things as if they were also just one of the specific things. **)

*) Wilke, p. 577.

**) The words Mark 7, 2 – 4, which we currently read between και ιδοντες τινας των μαθητων αυτου κοιναις χερσιν (τουτ εστιν ανιπτοις is also unnoticed) εσθιοντας αρτους and επερωτωσιν αυτον read, explains Wilke p. 673. 674 rightly for a later insertion, likewise the words v. 8: βαπτισμους —- ποιειτε. But it is difficult to understand the words v. 13: και παρομοια τοιαυτα πολλα ποιειτε [overnight?]. Wilke does them an injustice when he explains them according to these interpolations, since they have the meaning: and so you also abrogate divine commandments for the sake of tradition; the later interpolator only misunderstood them, related them to the different kinds of purifications, mentioned these other purifications from this point of view in D. 3. 4. 8, and interpolated the misunderstood words in v. 8.

By the way, Mark presupposes that the Pharisees at a banquet catch the disciples violating the tradition and immediately hold the Lord responsible; similar to C. 2, 16. Matthew left this presupposition unnoticed, Luke changed it and used it as an occasion for a new speech of Jesus C. 11, 37. 38.

What Jesus says against the Pharisees – if we now consider the speech itself – cannot be misunderstood, since the dialectic of Pharisaic consciousness is carried out very simply and clearly. But as for the second passage, the saying about purity, several interests came together which distracted the commentators from the correct understanding of it. We would do Matthew an injustice if we were to blame his inappropriate conclusion of the discourse for the fact that the theologians have very often misinterpreted that saying, for if he had also restricted Jesus’ polemic less and had not mentioned eating with unwashed hands again after Jesus’ discourse had moved on to a much more comprehensive dialectic, the hermits would still have lost their way. The abstracted apologist is shocked when he hears that Jesus, in a single word, overthrows the positive law; the critical apologist, on the other hand, wants to see unity and coherence in Scripture, and when he now remembers that in the first congregation there was a lively dispute about the Mosaic dietary laws, he must not admit that Jesus had already decided this matter long ago.

379

Even “the question,” “whether Jesus at the same time declares himself against the Mosaic Laws on food” de Wette *) calls “unseemly,” because the context of the speech does not lead to it and, moreover, it is clear from Matth. 15, 20 that Jesus is only thinking of eating with unwashed hands when he says in v. 11 that what enters the mouth does not defile. But what is the point of referring to the “context” here, when the saying about what really defiles follows a strongly marked paragraph, when Jesus, before he recites it, calls the people, leaves the Pharisees standing, and afterwards, when he explains the saying, does not mention the scribes and their tradition with a single word? So something new comes with the saying, so Mark made a paragraph, the saying has a general interest, therefore the people must hear it, even if they are not allowed to understand it because of the limited and petty pragmatism of the evangelical view, it deals with the Old Testament dietary law in general, therefore the Pharisees and their tradition are no longer remembered.

*) I, 1, 136.

380

And as to eating with unwashed hands, it is true that Matthew writes at the beginning (v. 11), “Not that which enters into the mouth defileth a man;” but not to mention that even in this form the saying is quite general, and deals with that which enters into the mouth at all: does not Matthew himself write afterwards (v. 17), “All that enters into the mouth goes into the belly?” Does he not conceal the general interest which is now involved? Is it speaking only of the food that a washed hand brings to the mouth, and not rather of all the food that enters the belly? What senseless torture is needed if one is to deny this general interest! “Nothing (says Mark 7:15), nothing that comes into a man from without can defile him.”

“But that which comes from within, from the heart, that defiles him:” so it is also wrong when Fritzsche asserts *) that Jesus does not by any means want to deny that food defiles man, but only to say that evil thoughts defile him much more. On the contrary, the possibility of defilement through food is denied outright, and that which comes from within alone is called the defiling thing.

But what work awaits us when now the pure apologist comes and oils the dialectic of the saying with his thick unctuousness, wants to lather the thundering movement of negation and blunt the sharp edges and cutting edges with his blunt thoughts. But let us not call the struggle with this unfortunate one work, only patience is needed! A few remarks in between will suffice for now.

*) to Matth. p. 513: nec negat omnino cibos hominem polluere, sed prava animi consilia multo inquinare magis.

381

“In Matth. 15, 11, says Olsenhausen *), it must already have seemed difficult to the apostles that Christ’s declaration that what enters the mouth does not defile – so in fact it was not so? – was a contrast to them with the OT, which teaches the difference between clean and unclean food. Since Christ acknowledges the “divinity” of the Old Testament, he also had to see something significant in the dietary laws – but also positively valid forever and for all eternity? – something significant. Now that these were something completely empty and arbitrary, the Saviour in his explanation of the words does not want that they should be regarded as positive regulations, as which the law alone knows them? And did the disciples take offence at the dialectic of the saying, because it seemed to them antinomian? Did they not only ask about the meaning, which they had not grasped? Did they say: Jesus, according to his other views of the “divinity” of the OT, must also see something significant in those commandments? Jesus does not speak as if he were trying to make an apologetic point or to whisper something edifying to the disciples about the “significance” of the Mosaic laws of food. He only emphasizes the contrast between the external and internal and points out that food as something external can never touch or defile the internal; in doing so, he does not necessarily overturn the law concerning food – he simply states that external things cannot defile a person internally.

*) l, 502.

What a terrible foolishness! Are we to lose our minds and contemplate how Jesus still claimed that the external can externally defile? Are we to imagine him as a man who gave instructions for the kitchen, or as a man for whom a person was worth no more than a piece of clothing? For we can only imagine that a piece of clothing, for example, could be externally defiled by something external. We put an end to this foolishness, this madness, these blasphemies of apologetics by remembering that the assumption of natural religion that the natural can affect and defile the spirit is still the basis of the law and its conception of purity. Freedom from nature was only assured to the contemplative mind in the Christian community, and this assurance, for which Paul still had to challenge Peter, is presented and justified in the present section in such a way as to confront the disciples for the first time with a statement from Jesus when they are fighting against the legalistic rules of the Pharisees.

*) The author takes the liberty of referring to his presentation of the religion of O.T. I, 252-258.

382

But a saying that even Matthew could not copy correctly from Mark’s scripture, whose point he dulled, whose universality he restricted in copying, such a saying – let the theologian just consider its construction! – could not come to Mark from the tradition or memory of an eyewitness. But what did the original evangelist need for the elaboration of this section more than the certainty of their freedom from natural determinations, which the community had already won in its first internal struggles, and the conviction that the principles of the self-consciousness of the community had already been expressed and sanctified by its Lord? A saying of this kind cannot enlighten us about Jesus’ views.

The occasion, by the way, which gave the Lord the opportunity to present this saying, after he had overthrown the statutes of men, is, as Wilke has found, modelled on that narrative of the zeal of Elijah, who also had to contend with false teachers (1 Kings 18:18, 21). “The parallel lies especially in the fact that Jesus rejects the false teachers, they approach God only with their mouths, and put their own human word in the place of God’s word, similar to the servants of Baal (who worshipped a self-made God).”

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§ 63. Walking on the sea

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by Neil Godfrey

370

§ 63.

The walking on the sea.

Matth. 14, 24-33.


After the feeding Jesus wanted to be rid of the people as quickly as possible – it seems that he feared consequences from his mighty miracle and from the excitability of the crowd, which were contrary to his spiritual plan, so it seems again that the evangelical view cannot turn away quickly enough from the miracle which it has just seen come into being – the disciples must therefore immediately go ahead to the other shore, while he dismisses the people. Afterwards, when he was free, Jesus withdrew from the mountain to pray. “When evening came, he was there alone,” says Matthew. But the ship, when it was in the midst of the lake, was taken by a storm, and in the fourth watch of the night the Lord went away to the disciples across the lake. But how? The disciples had departed by day, and late in the fourth watch of the night, early in the morning, Jesus went to them while they were struggling with the storm in the middle of the lake? The lake was two hours wide and the disciples did not reach the middle of it until the morning of the following day, after they had left yesterday by day? What an absurdity!

371

Nor does this absurdity cease to be disproportionate and impossible when Mark reports: “In the evening the ship was in the middle of the lake and Jesus alone on the land. Then he saw them struggling with the wind, for the wind was against them, and about the fourth watch of the night he came to them walking on the lake” (C. 6, 47. 48.). From evening till morning the ship is in the middle of the lake! The ideal view, however, did not notice this enormous difficulty, because it was important for it to see the disciples in distress during the night as long as possible – the night and the distress belonged together – so that only when the morning dawned – the morning and the deliverance from the distress belonged together again – the Lord would bring them help. The incident belongs to the ideal view!

There is only one thing that Mark has narrated and motivated better – Matthew thus confused and carelessly copied his information – when he tells us that Jesus saw the disciples fighting with the storm, when he even immediately in the beginning of his narration: “In the evening the ship was in the middle of the lake and Jesus alone on the land” lets us see both, the disciples and Jesus, puts both in relation to each other, at least lets us guess how Jesus could see the disciples fighting with the storm. Matthew no longer grasps the meaning of this grouping and has torn the provision that Jesus was alone in the evening out of its context and isolated it.

Although Mark, when he says that Jesus saw the disciples in danger, wants to imply that he wanted to come to their aid when he immediately came to them on the waves of the lake, he nevertheless says that Jesus wanted to pass by them (C. 6, 48-50.) and only the circumstance that the disciples cried out loudly at the sight of him, because they thought they saw a ghost, induced him to keep still and to speak courage to them. This contradiction is to be explained purely and solely from the excess of pragmatism, which this time, as it were, overshoots itself, and from the motive that Mark wants to gain space for the description of the tremendous terror of the disciples and to let this same terror appear in all its greatness by presenting it as the cause that moved Jesus to stand still. Thus, at least at this moment, the moments of the narrative were vividly set in motion and related, admittedly at the expense of the presupposition which was implied in the beginning of the account. Matthew did not exclude the remark that Jesus wanted to pass by, because he no longer felt the need to set the situation in motion: he simply places the individual moments next to each other.

372

According to the account of Mark, Jesus, after speaking courage to the disciples, got into the ship and to the great astonishment of the disciples, the storm died down immediately. Matthew, on the other hand, tells us how Peter called out to his Master, who was still standing out on the water: “Lord, if you are (the one) – for Jesus said: do not be afraid, it is I! – Then he gets out of the boat at Jesus’ command and really walks on the water to get to Jesus, but is terrified when he sees the strong wind. He began to sink – as if it took a long time! – and cried out: Lord, save me: then Jesus took hold of him, and said unto him, O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt? Now they enter into the ship, and the wind ceaseth: and they that were in the ship fell down before him, saying, Thou art in truth the Son of God.

Matthew, the last of the synoptics, first reports this episode, which both falls apart in itself and is excluded from the report – of course! for it is the report of Mark – or, if it wants to assert its place, it is crushed. Wilke has already noticed how even Matthew has left the original account so perfectly unchanged that he only allows the storm to subside when Jesus entered the ship*). “Peter must have known beforehand that the wind was strong, before he attempted the perilous course,” and the same thing which terrified him when he had the command of his Master to himself, should have prevented him even more from conceiving the thought of this venture. Furthermore, in the astonished exclamation of the people in the ship, no consideration is given to Peter’s unsuccessful attempt. Moreover, it may be noted that only in the original account, when it says: “when he joined them in the ship, the storm died down”, does the view that Jesus came to the disciples as Saviour and that his presence calmed the agitation of the elements find expression and the causal narration, which is the point here, emerges as such, while the tendency of the account is paralysed when Matthew says: when they (namely Jesus and Peter) entered the ship, the storm died down. The sudden occurrence of unity: they fell down before “him”, is an oversight in Matthew’s account and can only be explained by the fact that the evangelist turns back to the writing of Mark and reworks a remark which relates Jesus and the disciples. Matthew, after speaking of Peter and Jesus in the majority, would have let the latter stand out again as the subject if he had written independently from his own head. Finally, this episode proves to be an interpolation in that it leaves the interest of the original account, namely the tension with which we received the news of the calming of the storm, far too long in abeyance, unsatisfied and tears the two sides of the contrast – the danger and the rescue from distress – apart.

*) p. 637

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Matthew created the episode: the situation was given to him by the account of Mark, which he is transcribing, the story of Peter’s denial served him as a model, and the justification in general gave him the general premise that Peter was the one among the disciples whose all too lively outpouring of faith was to be feared as not standing firm in the moment of danger *).

*) Luke 22, 32.

374

That at the end of his account Matthew has the people in the boat fall down before Jesus and exclaim, “Truly you are the Son of God!”, and that he finally wants these people to appear as strangers, should no longer surprise us about him. Mark says: the disciples were amazed beyond measure.

The best appreciation of this account of Jesus’ walk on the sea was given by Luke: – he omitted it because he thought he had already told his readers everything essential in the account of the calming of the storm. Very true, for the idea is the same in both accounts, that the Lord comes to the aid of His own when they struggle with the storms of this life. Mark **), however, formed this view precisely here, at this point, because he thought it appropriate that the Lord, if he had provided miraculous food like Moses, had immediately become equal, even superior, to the lawgiver in that he had made the sea feel his superiority in an even more miraculous ***) way.

**) Not the “evangelical proclamation” as Weisse says (1, SSV.).

***) Cf. Job 9, 8. LXX.

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§ 62. The miraculous feeding

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by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

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Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

353

§ 62.

The miraculous feeding.


1. The report of Matthew.

Matth. C. 14, 14-23. 15, 32-39. 16, 5-12.

According to the account of Matthew, Jesus twice miraculously fed the multitude. But if Luke and the fourth evangelist only know of one feeding, then the most favourable and authentic document seems to speak for the report of the two times multiplication of bread, the testimony of Jesus himself *). Soon after the second feeding, the disciples had forgotten to take bread with them on a journey across the lake; when Jesus said to them, “Watch and beware of the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees,” they said to one another, “We have not taken bread with us. Jesus scolded them and asked them if they did not remember how he had fed five thousand with five loaves and how many baskets they had filled with the leftover pieces? And do they not remember the seven loaves with which he fed the four thousand, and how many baskets they also filled with the fragments on that occasion? How then do you not see, Jesus concludes his rebuke, that I did not speak of the bread when I warned you to beware of the bread of the Pharisees.

*) Olshausen I, 512: “one can hardly think of a stronger proof for the authenticity of the second feeding.

354

If the warning of Jesus against the leaven of the Jewish sects and his remembrance of the feeding of the multitude are to have a connection – and both, according to the view of the evangelist, are really in the closest connection – then the feeding of the multitude must be meant figuratively. “The conclusion which Jesus wants to be drawn from his words, says Weisse *), is only then a correct one, only then at least one which results directly and straightforwardly from the premises, if one finds the figurative understanding which Jesus demands in the conclusion also already contained in the premises”. Whoever, therefore, refers to this conversation in order to prove the proposition that Jesus really fed the multitude twice miraculously, seems to rely on a testimony which must rather deprive him of all possibility of seeing in the Gospel account the description of two real incidents. Remember,” says Jesus, “how I have described to you the nourishing power of my teaching in the image of a bodily feeding of the multitude, and you will understand what I mean by the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees. In short, both narratives of the miraculous feeding are parables which Jesus himself recited and for the details of which he used individual features from the Old Testament narratives of Elijah and Elisha. It was only later that this story was misunderstood as a bodily miracle story, but it received its form and elaboration in Christ’s own mouth, as is also proven by the conversation that led us to the correct explanation of its origin **).

*) I, 512.

**) Weisse, I, 513. 515. 517.

355

As reliable and necessary as the conclusion that Weisse draws from Jesus’ conversation about the leaven of the Pharisees seems to be, it would not only be wrong, but it would also entail a number of inconsistencies. First of all, Jesus would have had to depict the idea of the nourishing power of his teaching not only once and for all parabolically in the image of a single incident, but twice, namely as two incidents, which would have been a very harmful and purpose-thwarting excess. For if the parable should always give the impression of a real course of events, but should cancel this impression at the end itself and replace it with the certainty that the whole is meant figuratively and represents a higher spiritual relationship, then not even the perception that the representation is figurative can emerge at the end if Jesus wanted to present the same thought as two incidents from his life. But he could not even once describe the nourishing power of his teaching to the disciples in this way, since a parable can never be understood as a parable when its subject himself recites it and stands bodily before the listeners.

What follows from the nature of the parable is further confirmed by Jesus’ conversation about the leaven of the Pharisees. For “the conclusion of Jesus does not go from the merely figurative sense of the earlier narrative to the same meaning of the later speech, but from the earlier proof of how superfluous the care for bodily bread was in Jesus’ proximity, to the inconsistency of understanding his present speech of such *).” It is wrong of the disciples, Jesus is said to say, to think of bodily bread when he warns them of the leaven of the Pharisees, but not only wrong in general, but they also proved themselves to be of little faith **), since they had to remember how he knew how to provide bread when it was needed.

*) Strauss 1, 229. Matth. 16, 11: πως ου νοειτε οτι ου περι αρτου ειπον υμιν προσεχειν απο της ζυμης των φαρισαιων και σαδδουκαιων. Mark 8, 21 has merely πως ου συνιετε, but Matthew explains its sense correctly.

**) Matth. 16, 8: τι διαλογιζεσθε εν εαυτοις ολιγοπιστοι οτι αρτους ουκ ελαβετε

356

Once the meaning of this passage has emerged purely for itself, a difficulty arises, which, however, is very convenient, since it simplifies the business of criticism. Matthew wants the two feedings to be historical events, but it is incomprehensible how, on the second occasion, when Jesus pities the multitude because they have been with him for three days and have nothing to eat, and when he says that he does not want to let them go without food, lest they die of exhaustion on the way, the disciples forget the first feeding and, as if the Lord had never counseled them in such an embarrassment, remarks: “where shall we get so much bread in the wilderness, that so great a multitude may be filled. “Either they were not people who, among other mental abilities, also had a memory *), or, since we lack other testimonies about their brutishness, they had never had the opportunity to prove themselves as forgetful as Matthew would have us believe. The second feeding – this much we can say at first – was foreign to the original type of the Gospel story.

 

2 The restoration of the original account.

That it is really so, namely that the account of the second feeding, which we read in the script of Mark, is a later insertion, was first noticed and proved by Wilke **). He reminds us how improbable it is that “a narrator such as Mark, who has measured out the materials with such scantiness, should have presented one and the same event twice as a real story. Furthermore, the narrative is not at all connected and prepared in the manner of Mark, since one does not see where the many people who need it are supposed to have come from all at once. Finally, “by the insertion of this story, things that belonged together have been separated; for Mark 7, 31-37 is connected with Mark 8, 11-13. Because Jesus is so praised by the people because of the effective healing of the deaf-mute, the Pharisees come to try the ability of the praised one further, in order, where possible, to bring down the admiration of the people.

*) Calvin: nimis brutum proäuut stuporem üiscipuli, yuock tuuo sultem non revoeaut ia memorium superius illud documeutum virtutis et gratie Christi, guod ad praesentem usum aptare poterant: nunc quasi nihil unquam tale vidissent, remedium ab eo petere obliviseuntur. Correct! Calvin does add: similis guotiüie uobis obrepit torpor; but we are quite grateful for such compliments.

**) p. 567

357

Wilke has already reminded us that the N.T. knows only one Bethsaida and that Mark, if the second feeding were really reported by him, would have to speak of an eastern Bethsaida, which would be contrary to New Testament geography. Let us look at the context! When the disciples had returned from their missionary journey, Jesus went with them to the eastern shore of the lake, where the feeding (the first of Matthew) took place (Mark 6, 30-33). After the feeding of the multitude Jesus commands the disciples to go on ahead, he follows them on the waves of the lake, when he saw that they suffered distress in the storm, and arrives with them on the west side, where the dispute about the purity laws develops (C. 6, 45 – 7, L.). Jesus then goes to the Phoenician border and, after healing the daughter of the Hellenic woman, travels back to the eastern shore of the lake, to the region of the Decapolis (C. 7, 24-31.). If the report of the second feeding had originally belonged to the writing of Mark, then Jesus, when after the feeding (C. 8,10.) He goes again to the west shore, to the region of Dalmanutha and from here, after rejecting the demand of the Pharisees for signs, He goes again to the other shore *) C. 8, 13, He would arrive in the (supposed) Bethsaida (C. 8, 22.) of the East. But before that, when Jesus has fed the multitude over in the East and commands the disciples to go forward to the other shore (εις το περαν), to Bethsaida (C. 6, 45.), since this city is situated in the west of the lake (C. 6, 53.), so how could Mark suddenly, shortly afterwards, C. 8, 22, speak of another, an eastern Bethsaida, without telling the reader that this city is to be distinguished from the one mentioned before. Both times Bethsaida is the same *) i.e. the report of the second feeding, the remark that Jesus, after the feeding, crossed the lake again to the west (to Dalmanutha), this remark, which leads to the consequence that Bethsaida, after which Jesus (C. 8,13-22.) later translates, lies in the east, all this was inserted later in the writing of Mark.

*) εις το περαν, relative in itself, is the beyond of each point of view.

*) Also the Bethsaida, near which Luke C. 9, 10 relocates the feeding, is the western one, it is the Bethsaida, which is mentioned in Mark 6, 45 and in which Jesus had entered, when they brought him the “blind man”, whom he (Mark 8, 23.) led out to the place and healed outside. This mention of the city and the fact that the healing of the blind man, which Luke omits, is followed by Peter’s confession, which Luke reports immediately after the feeding, both in connection with the peculiar boldness of the evangelical historians and the superficiality of their combinations, induced Luke to transfer the feeding to Bethsaida. By the way, he mentions nothing about a crossing of the lake. It is very uncertain whether there were two places named Bethsaida on the Sea of Galilee. The N. T. knows only one Bethsaida. If one wanted to conclude from the words Joh. 12, 21 “Bethsaida Galilee” (Βηθσαιδα της Γαλιλαιας) that there was another Bethsaida, from which the fourth evangelist wanted to distinguish the mentioned one, the father city of Philip, one would have to conclude in the same way that there were two cities called Cana and the fourth evangelist, when he says that the wedding took place in “Cana Galilee” (Κανα της Γαλιλαιας C. 2, 1.), wants to remind his readers that there was another Cana outside Galilee. This definition of “Galilee”, however, is in both cases a very idle addition by the fourth evangelist, who only wants to remind us that Cana and Bethsaida are not located where the scene of Jesus’ deeds is at that very moment. The evangelist proves how foreign the geography of the holy land is to him when he has to orientate himself so laboriously and awkwardly about the location of the cities.

Josephus, too, knows only one Bethsaida and nowhere, when he mentions this name, does he indicate that there were two cities or spots of this name. Nowhere! although he often remembers Bethsaida. Only this could be the question, whether he thinks of the city of this name as being situated west of the Sea of Galilee – a question which is very indifferent to the matter and, depending on how it is decided, can never lead to the assumption that there were two Bethsaida. If the Bethsaida of Josephus lies over there in the east: well! then Mark was mistaken when he moved his Bethsaida to the west of the lake.

Of the one Bethsaida, which he knows and never distinguishes from another place of that name, Josephus says (Arch. 18, 2, 1.) that it was situated on the Sea of Galilee, originally a village (κωμη), raised by the tetrarch Philip to the rank of a city, and called Julias. It was here in Julias that Philip died (Arch. 18, 4, 6.). Josephus determines the location of the city more precisely, that the Jordan below it cuts through the Genezareth (Bell Jud. 3, 10, 7: (μετα πολιν ‘Ιουλιαδα διεκτεμνει) this information with the other determination (Arch. 18, 2, 1.) that Bethsaida lay on the Sea of Galilee itself, so it follows that it lay at the northern tip of the lake and was the most important place that could be named if it was to be indicated where the Jordan falls into the lake and from which point it cuts through it. But could Bethsaida lie in the west of the lake, if it belonged to the tetrarchy of Philip, if it, as Josephus expressly remarks (Bell. Jud. 9, 1.), was situated in Lower Gaulonltis? It is enough to have pointed out the difficulties of this investigation and to have simplified the matter to the point where the theologian must decide in favour of the East or the West.

359

Only after the separation of this insertion do all the details of the report stand in that context which Mark always knows how to maintain. Matthew, on the other hand, has again done everything to prove to us that he is not very skilful in composition and to make us suspicious of his geographical information. He, too, has the feeding of the people – his first – take place over in the east, and the dispute with the Pharisees about purity over in the west of the sea (C. 14, 34. ); but when Jesus, immediately after that dispute, goes into the Phoenician region and then to the Sea of Galilee, where, sitting on a mountain, he heals a multitude of sick people and feeds the people (for the second time), when he afterwards crosses the Sea again and comes to the region of Magdala, where the Pharisees ask him for a sign, then we do not know what is west and east *). And how should we be informed about such insignificant things by a writer who considers more important matters, such as the elaboration of the context, to be so insignificant that he completes them with a single stroke, often also with a huge cross stroke? Of course, Matthew, because he gives a copy of the original account, must conclude the report of the second feeding with the remark that Jesus dismisses the people, boards the boat (the boat! as if a boat in which Jesus had crossed over had been mentioned before (C. 15, 29.)) and sails across the lake. But when he reports that Jesus comes to Magdala and, after having rejected the Pharisees who demanded a sign from him, goes away, when we then hear that the disciples, when they arrived on the other shore, had forgotten to take bread with them, which is why they could not understand Jesus’ warning against the leaven of the Pharisees, since they referred it to real bread, we ourselves do not know where our heads are, and when, at last, after the conversation about the leaven, it is suddenly said: “When Jesus came to the region of Caesarea Philippi, he asked, etc.”, we are no longer able to help ourselves. The following questions will shed light on the confusion and resolve it by showing us the darkness of this bottomless world of history. When the disciples arrive at the other shore – it is not said which one? – it seems that they caught up with the Lord at an appointed place: but was it said before, C. 15, 39, that the Lord went alone to Magdala? So it seems: for Matthew must model the account of the second feeding on the original account, and so also make it appear as if Jesus had withdrawn alone from the people: but had he told us that Jesus went back alone, and had made an appointment with the disciples about the place where they would meet him? Could he have carried the matter to this point, since he had sent the Lord across the lake, and therefore, even if he did not say so, had to give him the disciples to accompany him? And how could the disciples meet him afterwards *), when he had gone elsewhere after the conflict with the Pharisees (C. 16, 4. 5.)? What connection: “when Jesus came to Caesarea” (C. 16, 13.), after not a word was said that he had started a journey, after the narrative had rather come to a standstill when the conversation about the leaven was reported? And where did this conversation take place? Matthew does not tell us; but probably Mark: on the crossing to Bethsaida **), that is, on a passage which Matthew had to delay since he was not allowed to report the healing of the blind man of Bethsaida. If we now add that Matthew had to make the return journey of Jesus after the second feeding secret, because the model of the first account forced him to do so, and that he had to make the departure to Caesarea happen behind the scenes, because he did not think of Bethsaida, from where Jesus departed (Mark 8, 27.), then the confusion is explained.

*) The theologians know: some say that Magdala was in the east, some say the opposite: we do not know. Some even know where Dalmanutha was, which is mentioned in the writing of Mark instead of Magdala: we do not know, we do not even know if there ever was a place of that name. The theologians are omniscient: of course, only in platitudes/baloney and often about things that have never existed.

*) As Fritzsche looks at the matter; to Matth. p. 528.

**) Mark 8, 14 : ει μή ένα άρτον ουκ είχον μεθ’ εαυτών εν τω πλοίω.

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The hypothesis of tradition, which one could call upon to help Mark with the mistake of reporting the same event twice, no longer stands in our way, since we have convinced ourselves that in tradition there cannot exist such a definite and detailed material as these narratives: We can therefore no longer consider it possible that one and the same material could have run about in the tradition in two forms, differing only by slight determinations, and that a writer, for the sake of this slight modification, could have considered the one to be twofold and both forms worthy of preservation. Just think the senseless or try to think the impossible and you will see that it cannot be thought. The only thing the theologian could resort to in order to save the integrity of Mark’s writing would therefore be the assertion that Mark found the same event reported in two writings, but for the sake of a few – very tiny – nuances took each of the two accounts for reports of different incidents and inserted them as such into his writing: But this would again mean attempting the impossible, since we have always known him as a skilful, almost correct composer of history and also – which is the main thing – as the first creator of the evangelical story

362

The only question that remains is whether the account of the second feeding was first transferred from Matthew’s writing to that of Mark, or whether Matthew found it already inserted in the writing of his predecessor. The answer is not easy. Wilke decides for the former, because Matthew already remarks before (C. 15, 3V.) that a “great” crowd surrounded the Lord, thus trying to form a connection and to explain in advance the fact that Jesus thought of the feeding. But not insignificant *) instances can be cited for the opposite assumption. First of all, the words (Mark 8, 3.) “for some of them have gone far home,” these words, which are missing in Matthew’s writing and are supposed to explain Jesus’ fear that the crowd would die of hunger on the way home, seem to belong to those additions which occur in the first detail and later become superfluous. Also the “immediately” (v. 10), which Matthew does not have, that Jesus immediately goes “with the disciples” across the lake – a provision that is also missing in Matthew’s writing and would have been very useful here – both provisions seem to have been overlooked and omitted by Matthew originally and only through negligence. Finally, the circumstance that in the writing of Matthew the small supply of fish is mentioned only afterwards (v. 7), when Jesus is already busy feeding the multitude, while Matthew has the disciples say already before (C. 15,34.) that they had a few fish besides the stove-bread, this circumstance is very decisive and speaks for the originality of the account which we read in the writing of Matthew *). Matthew already found his account in the latter’s writing; it was Matthew who added to the second account, as in the first, the addition that “besides the women and children” there were so many thousands (C. 14, 21. 15, 38.) who were miraculously fed by Jesus.

*) The one mentioned by Wilke is not even significant: Matthew, who wrote later and elaborated a new work, could already motivate the following, while the interpolator in the writing of Mareus could leave the preceding unchanged and thereby reassure himself that a crowd of people is assumed to be present (C. 7, 33.).

*) Compare e.g. what we have noted about Luke 8, 27 and Mark 5, 15.

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We can also indicate how the later came to insert the account of the second feeding into the writing of Mark. After the first feeding follows a collision with the Pharisees; now, when C. 8, 11 again such a collision arises, the later thought it fitting, for the sake of symmetry, that also another feeding should precede it. He was strengthened in this view by the fact that after the Pharisees’ demand for a sign, the discussion of the leaven follows and the miraculous feeding is remembered: should not, he now concluded, such a feeding have happened first? For he did not see that Mark expressly presupposes that the feeding, which he alone knows, must have happened long ago: for does Jesus say, after the incomprehensible utterance of the disciples (C. 8, 17.): do ye “not yet understand?” If ye have “still” a hardened heart, not only must a long period of time have elapsed between the feeding of the people, the meaning of which they should now “at last” have comprehended, and the present incident, but another incident must have intervened, where the disciples had already proved that they had not yet fully recognized the power of the Lord from the feeding, and that their hearts were hardened. This premise is also not missing in the scripture of Mark. It is stated in C. 6, 52.

So far did the later still understand his cause that in the conversation about the leaven, when the Lord appeals to the proof of His power which He had supplied in the feeding, he brings his interpolation to honour and puts into the Lord’s mouth the appeal to the second feeding (C. 8, 20.).

The later received the definite form of his narration by giving a new twist to a statement of the original report. The original account contains the number seven in the five loaves and two fish with which Jesus feeds the five thousand, the later says that there were seven loaves which the Lord distributed among the multitude. In the same way, after the feeding, the Lord fills seven baskets with the remaining pieces, while according to the first account, twelve baskets are filled with the pieces – twelve: as many as the disciples had baskets. Finally, the later determines the number of the crowd to be four thousand, so as not to give the same number that he finds in the first account *).

*) A minor change is that instead of κοφινοι he reads σπυριδος.

365

The most important change, however, is the following. In the first account, the disciples call their Lord’s attention to the embarrassment of the crowd: let them go so that they can buy bread. Jesus replies, give them food. They then ask: shall we go and buy bread *)? Jesus replied, “How many loaves do you have? Go and see! They found that they had five loaves and two fish with them. The second feeding, on the other hand, is introduced in such a way that Jesus himself first responds to the situation of the crowd and the disciples point out to him the impossibility of bringing the necessary bread here in the desert, from which Jesus asks how many loaves they have and receives the answer: seven. This is the transition to the account we find in the fourth Gospel, that Jesus thinks of the feeding from the beginning and only to try him asks Philip, where shall we buy bread for the people? In the first account, the thought of the impossibility of getting enough bread is brought about by a reflection of the disciples, in the second account by a reflection of Jesus, in the account of the fourth evangelist, everything is already ready in the mind of Jesus and he is pleased from the start that he can embarrass the disciples by making them feel the difficulty of the situation.

*) The more detailed provision (Mark 6, 37.)  δηναριων διακοσιων explains Wilke p. 463 for being inserted later. In his answer, Jesus does not get involved with the specific sum of money and does not answer at all as if the disciples had calculated the expense that might have to be made, but rather he wants to ward off the idea of buying anything at all. The construction of the question of the disciples is also not at all calculated to speak of a certain expense. Compare John 6:7: here the estimate of the cost is in its place, because the evangelist wants to show how much is needed in all, if bread is scarcely sufficient for two hundred denarii; the same contrast is carried out in a very elaborate way later in v. 9. The fourth calls the loaves barley bread (κριθίνους) according to 2 Kings 4, 42 (L.XX). Compare also 2 Kings 4:43 τί δῶ τοῦτο ἐνώπιον ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν and John 6:9 αλλα ταυτα τι εστιν εις τοσουτους; According to the original account and the parallels in Luke and Matthew, the disciples say they have only five loaves and two fishes; according to the fourth gospel, Andrew says there is a boy who has so many loaves and fishes: also 2 Kings 4:42, a stranger brings the loaves and the servant of Elisha receives them, after the prophet had commanded him to distribute them among the people.

The provision of Mark 6, 40:  καὶ ἀνέπεσαν πρασιαὶ πρασιαὶ κατὰ ἑκατὸν, which he emended, Wilke also rightly declares to be inserted (p. 674), as the statement that there were 5000 follows Ch. 6, 44.

Compare also Joh. 6, 1. 3:  απηλθεν ο ιησους περαν της θαλασσης της Γαλιλαιας της Τιβεριαδος . . . . . ανηλθεν δε εις το ορος ο ιησους και εκει εκαθητο μετα των μαθητων αυτου. Matt 15:29 : καὶ μεταβὰς ἐκεῖθεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἦλθεν παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν τῆς Γαλιλαίας, καὶ ἀναβὰς εἰς τὸ ὄρος ἐκάθητο ἐκεῖ.

John 6:10 : ποιησατε τους ανθρωπους αναπεσειν ην δε χορτος πολυς εν τω τοπω. Mark 6:39 : καὶ ἐπέταξεν αὐτοῖς ἀνακλῖναι πάντας . . . . . ἐπὶ τῷ χλωρῷ χόρτῳ

366

 

3. The resolution of the original report.

If it is now a question of explaining the origin of the original report itself, we may hope to get to the bottom of it if we look more closely at the conversation about the leaven of the Pharisees, since it seems to contain Jesus’ own explanation of the meaning of the miraculous feeding.

Mark does not say what is to be understood by the leaven before which Jesus warns his disciples; only this much we see that Jesus warns the disciples of a spiritual certainty, since he rebukes them for understanding his words sensually. Luke, on a later occasion (C. 12, 1.), only warned against the leaven of the Pharisees, and let Herm himself explain, with the addition, “which is hypocrisy,” what he understood by this leaven. Finally, Matthew tells us that the Lord warned against the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees, and gives the interpretation in the form that he says that when Jesus reminded the disciples of the two feedings, they understood that he wanted to warn them against the teaching of the Pharisees and Sadducees (C. 16,12.). Both have interpreted correctly the statement that Mark attributes to the Lord: the disciples should beware of the general determination of the Pharisaic nature, and should not let it influence them even in the specificity of principles, teachings, and principles. Mark had to leave Jesus’ statement in its generality and did not want to interpret it in a specific way, because he places Herod next to the Pharisees and wants the disciples to be warned of his leaven. If one asks what this leaven of Herod means, we must confess that we do not know, since from the context of the Gospel as little as from other news is known that Herod had established or followed a principle which would have been worth the trouble of warning the disciples of Jesus against him. With the Herodians (Mark 12, 13.) it is something quite different. Only for this reason did Mark mention Herod, in order to relate this conversation to the beginning of the passage.

367

Certainly Mark wanted to place the reminder of the miraculous feeding next to Jesus’ warning against the leaven of the Pharisees: but we must be very surprised at how he did it. We ought to expect that the leaven of the Pharisees should be contrasted with the bread which Jesus gives to His own, that is, with the bread of His teaching and His principles. However, instead of aligning with that image as a parallel, the mention of the feeding appears almost tangential or only as a random, external add-on, as it only serves to criticize the disciples for not thinking of Jesus’ power, which would quickly provide help if they needed bread at that moment. And how is it brought about! This is why the disciples are said to have been surprised at the leaven of the Pharisees, because they had no bread with them. An unnatural and impossible misunderstanding! The disciples are said to have thought that their Master was warning them not to buy bread from the Pharisees, as if every child should not know that the Pharisees, when warned against, are to be considered as teachers, as interpreters of the Law and as that particular sect, but not as bakers. Were the Pharisees bakers? Could it even remotely occur to anyone that bread could be bought from them?

368

Mark has created a misunderstanding, a contrast between the wisdom of Jesus and the limitation of the disciples, which is as absurd and groundless as only one that the fourth evangelist has created. Two interests determined and occupied him: he wanted to make the disciples appear limited in an evangelical way and, by means of their limited expression, to give the Lord the opportunity to remember the miraculous feeding. But why should the feeding be remembered? The leaven of the Pharisees and the bread which Jesus gives to His people, both should be placed in parallel, at least next to each other, so that the reader would be led to think, through the allusion which puts both in relation to each other, that Jesus shares the true bread of life and has proved His ability to sustain the life of His people in the feeding of the people. Mark explicitly created this conversation about the leaven of the Pharisees to portray the Lord as the giver of the bread of life. However, he could not really and adequately achieve his intention because he had to suddenly lose sight of the goal he was aiming for and paralyze his tendency when he remembered the Lord of the feeding only as a real individual fact and only as proof of his miraculous power. With his abstract boldness and bold abstraction, the fourth evangelist knew how to help himself better when, after the feeding, he wanted to give the Lord the opportunity to call himself the true bread of life: he presented the matter in such a way that Jesus, full of displeasure against the Jews who, after the feeding, only rejoiced in their full belly, looked contemptuously at the sensual fact, pushed it far away from himself and called himself the true bread of life.

369

Mark could not yet “rise” to this abstraction. However, he had to make such a tremendous effort because he was the first to create this individual event as such and had to let it be regarded as an individual if he attempted to develop its general meaning. To him, the individual fact as such still had value even when it was to be dissolved into his idea: but the later had it easier when he applied himself to this dissolution, since he did not have to create the individual first and no longer knew the birth pains under which it had come into the world.

The same Mark who developed the conversation about the leaven of the Pharisees is responsible for the historical view of religious consciousness, which can be certain of its Lord as the true giver of life who nourishes and satisfies his own in a single event, thus making it sensory and empirical. When they are almost fainting in the wilderness of this life, he strengthens them anew. Mark, the writer, created this image first; the tradition and legend of the community do not understand such creations. Or would it, in its indefinite generality, be possible to bring forth this definite symmetry, that the five loaves and the two fishes form precisely the sacred number seven? Can it cause just as many thousands to be fed as there were loaves? Can it calculate that twelve baskets were filled with the leftover loaves because there were twelve disciples? This mathematical calculation must leave the general view of the church to the mind and judgement of the writer. The only thing it gives the creative artist is the certainty that Jesus nourishes, revives and strengthens his own, the certainty that he has the bread of life in his possession and distributes it freely among the faithful *), finally the conviction that the Messiah must prove and has proved the same miraculous power that was available to Elijah and Elisha and that Jehovah revealed when the people found their daily food during their journey through the wilderness. The writer followed this indication and this conviction when he made the wilderness the locality of the feeding, the report of O.T. about the miraculous deeds of Elijah the idea of the miraculous increase of a small supply of food (1 Kings 17:14-16) and the report about Elisha the idea of the miraculous increase of a small supply of food (1 Kings 17:14-16.) and from the account of Elisha the more definite idea that a disproportionately small supply of food is distributed among a great multitude and yet in the end, when all are satisfied, something of the supply remains (2 Kings 4:42-44).

*) Compare Is. 55, 1. 2. Jer. 31, -5.

370

Mark was also convinced that the Messiah, if he would do something similar to the men of God of the OT, would have to surpass, even surpass them by the extraordinary nature of his deeds. He has indeed surpassed them, as Mark tells us.

———————-

 


§ 61. The Beheading of the Baptist

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

348

§ 61.

The Beheading of the Baptist.

Mark 6, 14 -29.


First we remove the note which introduces the report and – pulls it by the hair. Herod is said to have been moved by the news of Jesus’ miracles to assume that he might be the risen Baptist *). As if the Baptist had performed miracles and a person who attracted attention by his miraculous activity had to be thought of as the resurrected Baptist. And how should Herod have imagined the resurrection and return of John in Jesus? He could not even grasp this idea,
since there was no concept among the Jews of his time that could have made it possible for him to see an individual who had already lived at the same time as the Baptist as a revenant. How ridiculous the theologian makes himself when he seriously considers this note and accepts it as historical is shown by screwed explanations such as that of de Wette: “It is an outrageous idea, not lying in the ordinary belief in immortality, that John the Baptist rose from the dead in Christ; it touched, moreover, on the greatest thoughtlessness, since one could easily have learned that Jesus was John’s contemporary **)”. But it is merely absurd and based on the greatest thoughtlessness when the theologian babbles in the magic circle of the letter and does not have the courage to see beyond this circle. So one could easily have learned that Jesus and John were peers? Yes, if one could have shown Herod the Gospel of Luke! But it was possible to find out, and anyone who wanted to know would have known, that Jesus did not fall out of the air as an adult.

*) About the assumption of the people that Jesus was Elijah, later!

**) l, 1, 130.

349

The assumption of Herod is only made and made very unhappy in order to introduce the king into the story of Jesus, to introduce the following passage and to motivate the report of the beheading of the Baptist at this very point. It may do as it pleases: Mark is not very worried about it, and if the theologian feels more worried, that is purely and solely his fault.

The report of the beheading of the Baptist also caused the theologians much concern; but no! – we must always add this retraction – they made the matter miserably easy for themselves and sacrificed reason, history and the most definite news of Josephus to the biblical letter, as they always do, so also here with true theological recklessness. Their raging fear for the letter of the Bible has blinded them to the account of Josephus, once they have looked at it.

We shall resolve the matter rather cheerfully – but to the greatest horror of the theologian.

According to the account of Mark, Herod imprisoned the Baptist because the latter had rebuked his marriage to Herodias, his brother’s former wife, as an unlawful one. Josephus tells us that Herod rather imprisoned him because he feared that he would stir up the people, who were enthusiastically following him, to revolt. Mark tells us in detail how Herod, in his weakness, gave Herodias the opportunity to satisfy her hatred of the moral judge; according to Josephus, Herod put the Baptist out of the way in order to be safe and to be rid of all fear of the powerful man of the people *). When Mark tells how the daughter of Herodias, on the advice of her mother, asks Herod for the head of the Baptist and demands that it be brought to her on the spot (C. 6, 25 εξαυτης. Matthew says C. 14, 8 here: ωδε), if Herod immediately sends a messenger and after the bloody deed is done the messenger brings John’s head to Herodias’ daughter and she brings it to her mother, then the assumption that Herod, who just celebrated his birthday feast, was present with his court at the very place where John was imprisoned, is not to be misjudged. Josephus, on the other hand, tells us that the Baptist was actually only put to death in the fortress of Machaerus on the border where he was imprisoned. He knows nothing of the fact that Herod, at the same time when the deed was done, was away from the residence of Tiberias and was staying in Machaerus, nor does he know anything of the fact that the tyrant was celebrating his birthday with his court when the Baptist was killed.

350

O! the theologian calls out to us, everything can be united, everything, everything can exist together, Mark and Josephus can be united quite well, everything could be like this and like that, Herod could be ….. no! he says, everything agrees perfectly!

So then we must give the lie to the fearful, miserable and yet so threefold talk of “so and so,” of “could and it could also,” in all its nullity, by noticing and proving from Josephus, that the Baptist had already been judged when Herod fell in love with his brother’s wife, later married her, betrayed his first wife, the daughter of the Arabian king Aretas, for her sake, and was subjected to war by him. Josephus, in reporting that Herod, when both had sent their armies against each other, drew the short straw, says that the people saw in the defeat of his army a divine punishment for his crime, namely for the murder of the Baptist, that he is looking back to a past fact, and at first – for if we do not even ask where Josephus got this notice of the popular opinion, and leave it undecided whether he is not freely pragmatising in order to tell the story of the Baptist here – at first, then, it could only be uncertain whether the execution of the Baptist had happened only recently, or long before. But Josephus also solves this doubt. In Machaerus – we must keep this in mind for now – John was imprisoned and was put to death. Now hear this! When Philip had died in the twentieth year of Tiberius and the emperor had made the province of Tiberius into Syria and had settled the new relations, the war between Herod and Areta *) took place. Herod, on a journey to Rome, stayed at his brother’s house, fell in love with Herodias, his wife, spoke to her of marriage and both, since she accepted his proposals and Herod undertook to dismiss his former wife, agreed to marry each other after his return from Rome. In the meantime, the daughter of Areta had heard of the plot and when Herod returned from Rome, before her husband found out that she knew everything, she was dismissed to Machärus. But this frontier fortress – listen! Machaerus! – was then subject to her father Aretas (!!), and she had secretly already taken all measures to ensure that her journey could be fast and safe. She could therefore inform her father as quickly as possible about Herod’s intentions. Aretas, who had long been tense with Herod over the border area, immediately used the opportunity**) given to him by Herod as a reason for a declaration of war, sent out his army, and when the troops of both princes met, those of Herod were defeated. Then the people are said to have recognised the finger of God, who wanted to avenge the Baptist, i.e. then Josephus finds it appropriate to look back into the past, to speak of the Baptist, thus to report of an event long past, for Machaerus, where John was murdered, belonged at that time to Aretas(!), it belonged to Aretas (! ) and the Baptist had long since been killed, when the former wife of Herod only heard of her husband’s plan through secret channels and could not even report to her father, to whom she had fled, the actual marriage of Herod, but only his intention to disown her, an intention which had not yet become public knowledge.

*) Mark 6, 27: ευθεως; so here again as everywhere in Mark context and the original. Matthew, who did not abbreviate this report very nicely, overlooked this meaning of ευθέως.

*) Joseph. Ant. 18, 5, 1.

**) Joseph. Ibid.  ο δε αρχην εχθρας ταυτην ποιησαμενος. The theological and biblical explanation of these words can be found in Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch I, 570. Follow it if you’re interested!

352

Who still has the courage to stand up for Mark? 

The theologian will hopefully refrain from all “so and so,” all “it could and it could at the same time,” in short, he will refrain from all lying tortures for the future, if we give him the following to consider. Herod reports his defeat to the Emperor in a letter, and the latter, in his first fury, writes to Vitellius, the governor of Syria, that he should fight Aretas to the death. Vitellius obeys, leaves with his power, but is still on the march when the news arrives of the death of Tiberius, of an event before whose arrival Pilate had been recalled from Judea *).

*) lbid. 18, 5, 1. 3.

The report of Mark is dissolved in all its parts.

Mark did not even know exactly who the first man of Herodias had been. He calls him Philippus, he thus reaches for the better known name – the two others naively attribute this blunder to him, because they did not understand it any better – namely, that Herod, who had been the first husband of Herodias, had remained unknown to him, since he lived only as a private citizen.

That marriage scandal, of which he no longer knew that it had happened much later, was used by Mark to explain and bring about the imprisonment and finally the last end of the Baptist, and he used it all the more gladly for this purpose because it gave him the opportunity to create the image of a fury and an image of Jezebel. The fact that the Baptist was executed while in the immediate vicinity, within the same walls, Ahab-Herod with his court revelled and moaned with pleasure, that a dance in which the worldly prince took pleasure brought about the catastrophe – this contrast of worldly pleasure and the suffering of a saint has now also proved to be a free creation of Mark.

Now the Elijah deeds of Jesus!

——————–


§ 60. Jesus in Nazareth

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

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344

§ 60.

Jesus in Nazareth.

Matth. 13, 53-58. Mark 6, 1-6.

After the account of the reception of Jesus in Nazareth, Matthew immediately tells us how Herod heard of Jesus; for he had to omit the account of the instruction and sending of the Twelve, which Mark has placed between the two pieces.

So far we had always found that the sections which Mark formed were homogeneous within themselves and contained a single tendency, or rather that Mark always carried out and elaborated the various tendencies, interests and situations in individual sections. “Outside of the groups that were distinguished from each other as distinct wholes, but were easily and fairly appropriately linked together, we never found isolated figures that separated themselves from the groups and either lagged behind in the movement of the whole or proved resistant to the connection with a single group. Now, suddenly, it seems to be different.” The fact that the disciples went out, preached repentance and performed miracles could still be connected with what follows, or rather it must be connected with it, for the activity of the Twelve should finally explain how the name of Jesus became more and more known and finally attracted Herod’s attention; but how the rejection of Jesus by the people of Nazareth could be inserted into this section as a homogeneous link seems more difficult to determine. Yet nothing is easier. Before Jesus sets out for Jerusalem, all the ties that bound him to Galilee are to be broken, the conditions in which he has hitherto moved are to be shaken, and the ground beneath him made unsafe. Ahab, whose weakness had been abused by his Jezebel to destroy the Baptist – the new Elijah – was shortly to meet the resurrected John, Jesus was henceforth to roam the northern provinces in disguise: how could this catastrophe be more thoroughly prepared than by the hardest blow that could strike Jesus, namely, that he himself was rejected in his native city? If his fate had been decided here in Nazareth and the last place of refuge had become inaccessible to him, he was now the Elijah who had to wander homeless and could only spread his blessings and prove his zeal for the truth by fleeing. This last test, this hardest blow had to happen in Nazareth, the home town, because Capernaum only accommodated the Lord on his journeys from time to time and this blow, if it had happened here, would not have had such great significance. But also this city should not see the Lord from now on, instead Bethsaida is mentioned, and when the Lord really visits Capernaum again shortly before his departure for Jerusalem, it happens quietly, without any noise and the former life, which otherwise awoke with his arrival in the city, has died: No crowds of people come to meet him, no crowd surrounds the house where he enters, no one emerges from the crowd to make a request to him: nothing of the kind happens, for the Lord has now become Elijah, the wanderer, who is not at home in a particular city and can only be found by the people out in the desert and on the shore of the lake when he returns from his wanderings.

346

In short, Jesus had to be rejected in Nazareth because of the tendency of the following section, and the report of his misfortune among his countrymen arose here, where it introduces the following section, and the proverb that a prophet is not respected in his hometown provided the theme for its elaboration. Only here in this ideal world, and only here in this specific context, does the report make sense, value, and significance; in the real world, however, it would have been highly insignificant if a small locality, even if it was his hometown, refused to acknowledge the prophet; the memory that deemed such a tiny incident worth preserving, and the tradition that carried such an insignificant story around and ensured that it came to everyone’s ears, both must have been very poor, meager, and unfamiliar with higher, more general interests.

When the origin of the report has been explained, we can unhesitatingly point out a contradiction that Mark was guilty of and leave its solution to the theologian. When Jesus, says Mark, appeared and taught in the synagogue of Nazareth on the Sabbath *), the people were astonished and said: “Where does such a thing come from? And what wisdom is this that is given to him, and what acts are done by his hand?” i.e. they spoke like believing Christians, and we do not understand how they should now again not acknowledge the wisdom which they acknowledged as such *).

*) Only Luke still has this provision (C. 4, 16.), because he was moved to keep it besides Mark 6, 1 also Mark 1,-1. Matthew was indifferent to this provision, he did not pay attention to it and left it out.

*) Matthew C. 13, 34 has the same recognition of Jesus’ wisdom and miracle-working, only abbreviated: ποθεν τουτω η σοφια αυτη και αι δυναμεις. Luke elaborated the contradiction into the objective C. 4, 22: και παντες εμαρτυρουν (!) αυτω και εθαυμαζον επι τοις λογοις της χαριτος τοις εκπορευομενοις εκ του στοματος αυτου. Compare Joh. 7, 15: και εθαυμαζον οι ιουδαιοι λεγοντες πως ουτος γραμματα οιδεν μη μεμαθηκως.

347

Only in passing do we recall the following change which the account of Mark has suffered under the hand of the later author. Mark (C. 6, 3.) only lets the Nazarethans exclaim: “is he not the carpenter, the son of Mary, the brother of Jacob, etc.? And are not his sisters here with us?” Mark did not yet know Joseph and makes Jesus himself the carpenter, perhaps on the basis of a tradition. Luke merely lets the people ask: “Is this not the son of Joseph?” **) Matthew combines the two and, taking offence at the fact that Jesus himself is said to have been a carpenter, has the people ask: “Is he not the carpenter’s son? Is not his mother called Mary, and his brothers James, etc.? And are not all his sisters with us?”

**) C. 4, 22: ουχ ουτος εστιν ο υιος ιωσηφ. Cf. Joh. 6, 42: υχ ουτος εστιν ιησους ο υιος ιωσηφ ου ημεις οιδαμεν τον πατερα και την μητερα; One thing is said here twice.

The prelude to the following drama of Elijah will end immediately when we consider the account of the beheading of the Baptist.

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§ 59. The situation

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by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

337

Tenth section.

The Elijah deeds of Jesus.

Matth. C. 14, 1 – 16,12.

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§ 59.

The situation.

Wilke first made the discovery that the events following from the multiplication of the loaves to the demand for a sign have their “parallels” in the deeds of Elijah, as recounted in the Old Testament. *) In the passage that introduces this section, it is already reported as a popular opinion that Jesus is Elijah (Mark 6, 15.), in the narrative section that follows the passage, Jesus is informed by his disciples, in response to the question as to whom the people believe him to be, that they believe him to be Elijah: “so in the section to which we now pass, just such actions and speeches of Jesus are set forth in which he has resemblance to Elijah.”

*) p. 569. 570.

We will not give a preliminary overview of the accounts this time, since only the critique of the individual – it concerns the account of the second feeding of the people in the writing of Mark – can enlighten us about the connection and the structure of the whole. Only this much we notice here, that Luke, at the point where we have arrived at this moment, reports only about one act of Elijah of Jesus, – about the miraculous feeding of the people – C. 9, 10-17. Matthew, on the other hand, after he has become so far master of the confusion caused by the forcibly inserted Sermon on the Mount that he can remain faithful to the type of the Gospel story as formed by Mark, gives us everything that he finds in the scriptures of Mark, only having to omit the sending of the Twelve, which Mark places after Jesus is rejected by the Nazarethites and before Herod takes notice of him. However, once again, he reveals that he has superficially used and thoughtlessly transcribed Mark’s scripture regarding the pragmatic linkage of the individual sections. Otherwise, however, he again reveals that he has used Mark’ writing superficially and copied it thoughtlessly as far as the pragmatic connection of the individual pieces is concerned. After the parable, he has Jesus go to Nazareth, the prophet is rejected in his fatherland, Herod becomes aware of Jesus, now, after the execution of the Baptist has been reported, there follows the momentous message which the disciples of John bring to Jesus, and the latter (C. 14, 13.) “goes from there in a boat into the solitude of the desert. From Nazareth, answers Fritzsche *). It is certain: Matthew is capable of everything; but that he would have imagined that Jesus had sailed directly from Nazareth by ship across the Sea of Genesareth to the eastern shore, we cannot consider him capable of that. However, in chapter 13, verse 58, he forgot to transcribe the note from Mark that Jesus left Nazareth and traveled around teaching – he relied on the impression conveyed by the narrative that must convince every reader that Jesus no longer troubled his unbelieving hometown with his presence. He also does not tell us where Jesus was when he sailed across the sea to the wilderness, as he could not include Mark’s account of the mission trip of the Twelve and their return to Jesus, whom they found at his usual location by the sea. He must now suddenly transcribe the note of the crossing of the sea from Mark (Chapter 6, verse 32) without providing his readers with the necessary assumptions.

*) to Matth, p. 492.

339

Matthew also did not know that the Elijah-like character of the following events and that the report that the disciples later gave to the Lord about the opinion of the people (C. 16, 14.) should be motivated and explained to the reader in this passage. For in order that the reader might know where he stood, Mark, when he reported Herod’s opinion of Jesus as the risen Baptist, had already stated that others took him for Elijah, others for a prophet (C. 6, 14. 15.) *), Matthew, on the other hand, only attributes to him the one note (Mark 6, 14.) that Herod believed Jesus to be the risen Baptist. Luke also changed what he read in his source: while Mark simply put the opinion of Herod and the opinion of the people next to each other, he rather combined both, also made the opinion of Herod, that Jesus was the risen Baptist, the opinion of the people and the tetrarch only got embarrassed when he heard the different judgements about Jesus **) (C. 9, 7. 8.). But there is the remark of Herod v. 9: “I have beheaded John, but who is this of whom I hear these things?” – the reworking of Mark 6, 16 – especially if the beheading of the Baptist is not reported, is very futile, because first of all it was just said that Herod was embarrassed and did not know what to think, and secondly it was obvious that the Baptist had gone to or been sent to the dead before it was thought that he had risen in Jesus, if the opinion was formed that he had risen in Jesus.

*) After v. 16 Mark returns – and so it was necessary – to the opinion of Herod; for he wants to make the transition to the report of the beheading of the Baptist and therefore lets Herod say: “he is John, whom I have beheaded”. Matthew did not know the meaning of this nuance and omitted v. 16 just as he did v. 15.

**) The alteration Luke 9, 8 : προφητης εις των αρχαιων ανεστη will be mentioned later.

340

Another change! Mark simply reports that Herod became aware of Jesus, whose reputation was spreading, and does not yet attempt to relate the following report of Jesus’ Elijah deeds to this note from Herod. Luke – for he reports here only the one act of Elijah, the miraculous feeding – has nothing which he could relate to the fact that Herod heard of Jesus; but since he omits the report of the beheading of the Baptist, he must fill in the gap and this stopgap is the remark, taken out of the air, that Herod wanted to see Jesus *). From this remark, a new story gradually develops for him, and suddenly, even though he had already sent Jesus (in chapters 9:51 and 13:22) on his journey to Jerusalem and therefore out of Herod’s jurisdiction, he tells us (in chapter 13:31) that some Pharisees (!) approached the Lord and, very sympathetically and unusually for them, advised him to leave here(!), as Herod wanted to kill him. How Luke further develops this fiction later on, and in chapter 23:8 he himself no longer knows anything about this hostile attitude of Herod towards Jesus, which would appear ridiculous if we were to ask why Herod suddenly became so embittered against Jesus, we will learn in due time.

*) 9, 9: και εζήτει ιδείν αυτόν.

Matthew represents the matter as if Herod’s attention had been threatening, for Jesus withdrew into solitude on receiving the news of the tetrarch (C. 14, 13.), so he thought it expedient to avoid publicity for some time. But what motivated him to this retreat? The news that the disciples of the Baptist brought him of the unhappy end of their Master’s life, a news that he could not receive at that moment, since it was intercepted and misappropriated by the authorities long before it could reach the Lord!

341

It was not only the news of the death of the Baptist, Matthew thinks, that moved Jesus to retreat into hiding, but explicitly the certainty he now received about the bloodthirsty character of Herod. The tyrant, says the evangelist C. 14, 5, had always wanted to kill the Baptist in prison, but for fear of the people, who regarded him as a prophet, he had not dared to do so. Now, when the disciples of the Baptist brought him this news, did not Jesus have reason enough to fear that Herod would also pursue him? Did he not know how he stood by the tyrant and that he had to beware of him if he did not want to be killed before the time? Quite beautiful! This may have been in Matthew’s mind when he portrayed the matter in such a way that Jesus withdrew into hiding after receiving this news; but the evangelist himself has seen to it that this beautiful pragmatism coincides. Although he says that Herod wanted to kill the Baptist, he presents the matter in such a way that the tyrant was only persuaded against his will to take the prisoner’s life. That oath to which he had committed himself against the daughter of Herodias, and the cunning of his wife, who, it is not known why, instructed her daughter to demand from Herod the head of the Baptist, only these foreign stipulations, which went beyond his will, induced him to have the Baptist beheaded, and he himself was sad when he saw himself bound by his oath *). Strange but easily explained contradiction! Matthew has thrown the subjects, verb and object, in a colourful jumble when he copied and abbreviated the narrative of Mark*). Mark tells us that Herodias resented the Baptist’s censure of her marriage to Herod as unlawful, and that she wanted to kill him but could not. For Herod feared John, knowing him to be a just and holy man, and therefore had him well guarded; he had also obeyed him in many things, after obtaining his counsel, and had generally liked to hear him. Under these circumstances, it is understandable that Herod was saddened when he saw how his oath, by which he had committed himself against the daughter of Herodias, cost the Baptist his head **).

*) Matth. 14, 9: ελυπήθη ο βασιλεύς, διά δε τους όρκους και τους συνανακειμένους εκέλευσε δοθήναι. Mark 6, 26 : και περίλυπος γενόμενος ο βασιλεύς διά τους όρκους και τους συνανακειμένους ουκ ηθόλησεν αυτήν αθετήσαι.

*) Schneckenburger, about the origin of the first canonical gospel. p. 87. Wilke p. 676.

**) Μatth. 14, 5: και θέλων αυτών αποκτεϊναι, εφοβήθη τον όχλον, ότι ως προφήτην είχον. Mark 6, 19. 20: η δε Ηρωδιάς ενείχεν. αυτό και ήθελεν αυτόν αποκτείναι και ουκ ήδύνατο. ο γάρ Ηρώδης εφοβείτο τον Ιωάννην, ειδώς αυτόν άνδρα δίκαιον και άγιον και συνετηρει αυτόν και ακούσας αυτού πολλά επoίει και ηδέως αυτού ήκουε. Throughout, in all its particulars, Mark’s narrative proves to be the original one. It is not impossible that a cursory glance at the narrative of his predecessor and the reflection that the same danger threatened the Lord on the part of Herod, i.e. the wrong conception of Mark 6, 19 ( ἤθελεν αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι) the same view that Matthew also allowed himself, to whom Luke wrote that note C. 13, 31 (θελει σε αποκτειναι) could be discovered. What Mark 6 says about Herod’s relationship to the Baptist and his own discovery that Herod had discovered Jesus εζητει ιδειν (Ch. 9:9), Luke used both of these for his account of the meeting of Jesus and Herod: ο δε ηρωδης ιδων τον ιησουν εχαρη λιαν ην γαρ θελων εξ ικανου ιδειν αυτον δια το ακουειν πολλα περι αυτου …… επηρωτα δε αυτον εν λογοις ικανοις Ch. 23:8-9.

342

Matthew’s ephemeral work, which was done in the fleeting moment of fear, has now dissolved on all sides, and the only question that remains is whether the original evangelist placed the assumption of Herod here solely in order to add the note that some of the people believed Jesus to be Elijah, and thus to introduce the passage that reports Jesus’ deeds of Elijah. The question must be answered in the negative. Why else would Mark describe in such detail the different attitudes of Herod and his wife towards the Baptist? As soon as we throw out the question and let the account work on us with all its means, the mystery is solved. Just as Ahab was provoked and driven to persecute the prophets and to shed innocent blood by the bloodthirsty and bitter Jezebel, so now, when the Lord performs Elijah’s deeds, a new Ahab and a new Jezebel are to stand in the background. As Ahab finally bowed to the prophet and obeyed his words, so must Herod lend a willing ear to the words of the Baptist, while Herodias is resolute in her hatred of the God-man. Just as in the time of Ahab and Jezebel the prophets had to retreat into seclusion and Elijah wandered inactive and volatile, so also the Lord from now on, since Herod became aware of him, has to wander restlessly, into the deserts, then towards Phoenicia, later to the region of Caesarea Philippi and only for a moment he may rest in Capernaum, in order to finally start from the centre of his former activity on the way of death to Jerusalem. The fact that Herod’s attention was drawn to Jesus does not appear to be a threat, but if, against his will and through his own carelessness, the Baptist fell victim to the unforgiving hatred of his wife, could not a similar fate befall the man who seemed to him to be the resurrected preacher of repentance? Mark does not explain Jesus’ retreat into the wilderness from the fact that Herod’s attention was drawn to the miracle-worker, simply because he had told the story of the end of the Baptist so widely and now, knowing full well that he had gone back to an earlier time, had to look for another motive. But this much is certain: Herod and his wife had acted against the Baptist as Ahab and Jezebel had acted against Elijah, and they stand as these threatening figures in the background, while Jesus, the risen Baptist, appears as Elijah, acts, and wanders about without a cause. Mark had been content to simply juxtapose these figures and rely on the impression they would make on the reader, while his two followers, although they had not even understood the tendency of this passage, sought to place Herod’s appearance, his attitude and Jesus’ withdrawal in a more definite context in the unfortunate way we have come to know.

344

Only because he wanted Herod to appear as the second Ahab, Mark calls him “the king” C. 6,14; the two others call him “the tetrarch” (Matth. 14, 1. Luke 9, 7.), because they did not know what this title meant.

If the insight into the ideal context of this passage will be very dangerous to the theological presupposition of its credibility, then this danger will betray itself in all its seriousness already in advance, if it does not remain alien even to a piece of narrative that goes back further. We mean the account of Jesus’ appearance in Nazareth.

———————


Oh Gospel of Mark, how you have led us on!

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by Neil Godfrey

How often have we found opinions expressed about those two sons of the cross-bearing Simon of Cyrene, Alexander and Rufus, mentioned only in the Gospel of Mark? Usually we read that the author was giving a wink to his local readers who knew them personally. But these readers all turned and smiled at the pair in their midst when the passage was read because no other gospel mentions them. The reason, we are commonly assured, is that the later authors did not know who they were so dropped them from their crucifixion narratives.

It’s a nice story, but surely a little reflection exposes it as false as the Tooth Fairy or Santa Claus. Did the authors following Mark personally know all of the characters mentioned by Mark? Did that personal ignorance lead them to drop any mention of them from their versions of events? Does not our experience with obscure figures in ancient literature teach us that rather than remove scenes that seem too sparse later authors prefer to augment them, to invent details to make stick figures more rounded? Compare, for instance, how the unnamed centurion plunging a spear into Jesus’ side in John’s gospel was later given a name and whole anecdotes were filled out about him.

Meanwhile, what are we to make of Alexander and Rufus, the sons of Simon of Cyrene?

A certain man from Cyrene, Simon, the father of Alexander and Rufus, was passing by on his way in from the country, and they forced him to carry the cross. — Mark 15:21

Are they added because of their symbolism? A Jewish name being the father of a Greek and a Roman name? It certainly looks like an enticing idea — all nations represented at the moment of the crucifixion. Or do they represent gnostic leaders? Or are they figures recalling the destruction of the Jews in wars, as proposed by Andreas Bedenbender? There have been many proposals and many discussions in print and online. I once pointed to them to remark on what I saw as literary bookend patterns in Mark.

But what if….. what if they were never part of the Gospel of Mark when it was composed but were later additions that had no relevance to the gospel at all?

Bruno Bauer introduced me to that possibility and I was compelled to consult the source that led him to his doubts. In a footnote in the final volume of his critique of the gospel narrative he wrote:

The further specification, “the father of Alexander and Rufus,” is an excess that is unfamiliar to Mark. It is an addition that a much later reader inserted. The two names are arbitrarily taken from the letters of the New Testament. (p. 291, translation)

How could he say such a thing about a question that has puzzled and exercised so many minds and generated so many theories? Bauer frequently critically cites Christian Gottlob Wilke so back to his 1838 work on the first gospel I turned.

Wilke believed “Bartimaeus” was not a name given to the blind man Jesus healed in the original author of the Gospel of Mark. The original text simply called him a “blind man”. If he had been known by a certain name he would not subsequently (10:49) have been simply referred to as “the blind man”. (If that is correct, we are following another rabbit hole if we use Bartimaeus to decipher Plato’s influence coded in the gospel.)

Then Wilke writes about the words in Mark 15:21, “the father of Alexander and Rufus”, saying that they . . .

. . . do not belong to the original text. Had Simon been thus more particularly designated, how would it have been previously stated that “a certain man of Cyrene” was compelled? (The readers who knew the man did not need the stipulation that he was of Cyrene, and for those who did not know him the latter was sufficient, nay, it is evident from it that it was the very thing which should have substituted for the name). (p. 673, translation)

He continues by noting a similar case for Levi being designated a “son of Alphaeus” in Mark 3. If he is correct there, that demolishes another set of theories such as those of Dale and Patricia Miller.

But Wilke does have a point. The way “father of Alexander and Rufus” is introduced is not the typical way one would introduce a new figure who is supposedly recognized by the readers.

Whatever the reality, one point that we are reminded of here: our earliest surviving texts are far removed from the originals. We cannot guarantee “every jot and tittle” has been preserved without some sort of corruption. We do know that copyists for innocent reasons and for more malign motives did sometimes edit what they copied.

We do not have sound foundations on which to base any discussion that relies upon a conviction that specific words and names were part of the original documents — unless we have early independent supporting evidence to give us such assurance.


Bauer, Bruno. Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte der Synoptiker und des Johannes. Vol. 3. 3 vols. Hildesheim ; New York : Olms, 1974 [1842]. http://archive.org/details/kritikderevangel0003baue.

Wilke, Christian Gottlob. Der Urevangelist oder exegetisch kritische Untersuchung über das Verwandtschaftsverhältniss der drei ersten Evangelien. Dresden ; Leipzig : Gerhard Fleischer, 1838. http://archive.org/details/derurevangelisto0000wilk.


 


2023-04-20

§ 58. Conclusion

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by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

332

§ 58.

Conclusion.

Matth. 13, 51. 52.

Have you understood all this? Jesus asks at the end, and when the disciples had answered in the affirmative, he says to them: “Therefore every scribe who is instructed for the kingdom of heaven is like unto the householder, who out of his treasure bringeth forth things old and new.”

Why? Because the disciples had understood the parables, which is to be doubted even if they did not know how to interpret the parable of the tares? The transition is outrageous, but by no means as strange as the theologians make it by their explanation. “Therefore – this is how de Wette understands the meaning **) – therefore, because I have shown how one must speak in parables.” But the parable of the master of the house must have a very definite relation to the disciples, since it is said that “every” scribe who understands the kingdom of heaven acts like that master of the house. Jesus does not want to compare himself alone, but all those who proclaim the kingdom of heaven, i.e. also the disciples, with the father of the house. It is more correct, therefore, when Neander describes the transition with the words: “by my example you can learn that every scribe is the same, etc.” ***). But even this paraphrase is not entirely correct, since it does not take into account the very point from which the transition proceeds, the circumstance that the disciples declared that they had understood the parables. The fact remains that because they had grasped the meaning of the parables, the scribe is to be like the father of the house; i.e., the incomprehensibility of this transition remains. Only then would it appear to make sense if Jesus were to say that because they now knew how to speak in parables or were able to fulfil their task of instructing the people in parables, it would be clear to them and he could make it clear to them that the scribe of the kingdom of heaven was like the father of the house. But even so conceived – for why should the scribe of the kingdom of heaven be like that father of the house, “because” they now knew how to form parables – even so the transition would be clumsy, all the more clumsy, since Jesus’ previous question and the disciples’ answer had only been about this, and in the disciples’ answer had only been about whether they had understood the parables presented at all, and also nothing had previously led to the conclusion that the parable presentation was intended to train the disciples to become parable poets and to give them guidance for their later teaching activity. Nevertheless, it remains the case that in the parable of the master of the house, when he speaks of the scribes, the evangelist has in mind the disciples as parable writers and lets the passage proceed from a presupposition that he has neither expressed in Jesus’ question and the disciples’ answer, nor in the course of the whole passage, namely, from the presupposition that the disciples were to be instructed in parable writing and that they themselves had finally confessed that they now also knew how to speak in parables. This is where the contradiction comes from, because Matthew suddenly allows this more far-reaching premise to emerge at the end of a passage that originally had a completely different tendency, and as a lever to set it in motion, borrows a question of Jesus, which only refers to the understanding of parables, from the writing of Mark (C. 4, 13.), only changes it superficially and does not dare to rework it from the bottom up *).

**) I, 1, 129.

***) p 138.

*) Mark 4, 13: ουκ οίδατε την παραβολήν ταύτην, και πώς τάς παραβολάς γνώσεσθε; Matth. 13, 51: συνήκατε ταύτα πάντα 

334

We do not know what the old and new in the treasure of the householder mean. Neander and de Wette say that the “variety and diversity of the presentation” should be recommended, but the point of the parable seems to refer more to the content than to the form of the lecture, and furthermore, we do not know why the diversity of the presentation should only be conditioned by the linking of unknown and already familiar, old and new truths. Neander explains himself more clearly to the effect that, just as Jesus “made known to his hearers higher and new truths by means of what was known to them from the environment of life, from nature,” so also the disciples were to arrange their doctrinal lecture – this, too, is not true, for the master of the house soon gives something new, soon something old, but not one thing by means of another, not the one thing in the other. Nor is it possible to think of the “great contrast of Law and Gospel, in the expedient distribution of which the whole business of scholars for the Kingdom of Heaven consists **),” since in none of the preceding parables is there any mention of this contrast, nor is there any example given of how its two sides are to be “expediently distributed.

**) Olshausen, I, 466.

In short, we do not know what the evangelist had in mind when he formed this parable, probably for the simple reason that he did not have anything definite in mind, or at least did not put together and work out the sounds that were buzzing in his head into a clear whole. It may be that he thought of the diversity of the content and of the linking of new truths with the experiences of ordinary life – although in that case it remains the case that he did not skilfully elaborate the parable – but it may also be, and this is the most probable, that with a strange anachronism, which is no longer strange to him, he has the gentleman recommend what only he did and he alone could do. Like that householder, he has shared old things — the parables he found — he has also given new things, formed new parables, and what he has done, he thinks, every scribe of the kingdom of heaven should do.

335

In any case, his last masterpiece has given us the right to briefly recall what has already been proven to us through the criticism of this section: he himself has the parables by which his writing is richer than the writings of his predecessors and formed first, just as the parable of leaven, as a counterpart to that of the mustard seed, owes its origin to Luke. And Mark? He created his own from free observation! There can be no more talk of a tradition or of the report of a contemporary of Jesus, when we have seen how a parable like that of the tares arose and could arise from the written letter. If the letter could not stand, should it have been possible for tradition or memory? Should the oral discourse of Jesus have been preserved word for word in memory, when the written word took on a new form, a new meaning, in the mind of the one who read it a hundred times? About superstition !

Later, when we examine whether Jesus regarded himself as “the Messiah”, and in this connection deal with the question whether for him the idea of the Kingdom of Heaven existed as a fixed concept of refleration, this superstition will be completely overthrown. Perhaps, however, the theologian will first prove to us that a parable like that of the sower, or of the fruit-bearing field, or the smallest, whichever it may be, could be preserved in memory and tradition.

But before he performs this strange feat, he must – we ask this very much – fetch two witnesses and recite before them the parable of the sower and its interpretation from his head. If he then makes a fool of himself – he who has so often occupied himself with these parables, has perhaps explained them from the lectern twenty times – will he then, in his embarrassment, let the modern weakness of memory take the blame, then let him prove that the ancients possessed a better memory. But he should not rely on the testimony of writers of antiquity who were themselves theologically minded and sentimental admirers of the past and of barbaric conditions!

———————-


§ 57. The parabolic teaching and the people

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by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

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330

§ 57.

The parabolic teaching and the people.

Matth. 13, 34. 35.


“All this, saith Matthew, before he dismissed the Lord home, all this Jesus spake in parables unto the multitudes, and without a parable he spake not unto them.” If we had not heard before that the parabolic contract was intended for the people (vv. 10-13), we should nevertheless conclude from this remark alone that Jesus preferred to speak to the people in parables, and therefore find it striking that he immediately afterwards recited a series of parables to the disciples.

From another point of view, too, this remark must entangle itself in an irresolvable contradiction. Jesus is said to have spoken to the people only in parables! Only? But was the Sermon on the Mount not a speech intended for the people? Of course the theologian does not fail to remark that the negation is to be understood only as a “relative” one *); of course! for for the theologian who either gives up reason or, after a sudden incursion, wants to see it where it is not to be seen, there is no language, no law, no connection, no contradiction; for him there is nothing, only the nothing of his self-consciousness, in which all definiteness disappears. The remark remains a contradiction if it is written in a scripture that hands down to us a speech like the Sermon on the Mount. Matthew copied it, without noticing how it belied the presuppositions of his work, from the writing of Mark, in which it stands alone in its place and in connection with all other presuppositions **). But he did not copy the remark in its entirety, because he was aware, if not of the entire danger, at least of that which threatened the next part of his report. Mark remarks that Jesus, when he was alone with the disciples, gave them the interpretation of the parables (C. 4, 34.); Matthew, however, wants to have Jesus recite some more parables at home before the disciples, so he omits this note and, in order to fill the gap, uses a quotation from the O.T., to which again only a few key words led him ***). 

*) Olshausen, l, 466. Fritzsche on Matth, p. 470.

**) How consistently Mark observes these premises we shall have occasion to notice later C. 7, 14-17.

***) Ps. 78, 2 εν παραβολαίς (LXX). The προβλήματα απ’ αρχής of the Greek translation he changed into the κεκρυμμενα of the evangelical language, in order to let the relation to the μυστηρια (C. 13, 11.) stand out.

Luke had to omit the whole remark after his alteration of the original report: perhaps he did so and omitted the whole parable lecture as such, because he knew that otherwise he would not have been able to elaborate the Sermon on the Mount “as the first treaty given to the chosen disciples (Luke 6, 20.)” *) and as a speech that was also meant for the people (C. 7, 1.).

*) Wilke, p. 584.

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§ 56. The connection of the parables

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by Neil Godfrey

Critique of the Gospel History of the Synoptics
by Bruno Bauer

Volume 2

—o0o—

326

§ 56.

The connection of the parables.


Mark has the Lord recite three parables; all three have as their subject the laws according to which the kingdom of heaven is formed, develops and expands, their pictorial form is the same – namely, in all of them the development and the growth of the seed is described – and finally they are also held together by the progress of interest: the fragmentation and distribution of interest in the first parable gives way to the simplified view in the second, until in the third attention is brought back to one point. In the first, the fate that the seed of the divine Word finds according to the determinacy of the soil is described; in the second, the freedom and security with which the divine seed develops in history is described – with the kingdom of heaven, it is like a man who throws seeds into the earth; and he sleeps and rises at night and during the day and the seed sprouts and grows, he himself does not know how; for the earth itself makes it grow, first the green seed, then the ears, then the fruit in the ears; but when it is ripe, then it sends forth to harvest – in the third parable, finally, the kingdom of heaven appears like the mustard seed, which the smallest of all seeds develops into a mighty plant.

327

There is coherence!

Luke had used the parable of the sower as the image of the “true friends of the good cause” and placed it between the description of the good women and the word of Jesus about his spiritual relatives. Only later (C. 13, 18-21.), when Jesus justifies himself because of a Sabbath healing, thus on an occasion that could not have been chosen more unhappily, he gives the parable of the mustard seed and – of the leaven as a continuation of Jesus’ speech of denial. But where did he get the latter? Why does he not give the parable of the quiet development of the seed? He did not understand this one, at least it did not seem significant enough to him and without a sharp point, but in order to give two parables – he was still so dependent on Mark that he wanted to give two – he formed the counterpart to the parable of the mustard seed: the parable of the leaven.

When Matthew gives the parable of the tares after the interpretation of the parable of the sower and the parable of the mustard seed after the parable of the tares, he does not fail to open Luke’s scripture and copy the parable of the leaven. So he does not have the parable of the field that bears fruit of its own accord while the Lord sleeps? “How came he to omit it, if it is really because he used the writing of Mark? *) Well, it will be found, if we only search properly, since Matthew otherwise does not like to waste the treasures of his predecessors, and prefers to show them to us twice, or even more often, before he suppresses them. But does not the parable of the sower and the grain of mustard really stand between the parable of the sower and the grain of mustard, that is, in the same place where it stands in the script of Matthew, the parable of the field, of the Lord who sleeps there, while the fate of his field and of the sown seed is decided, by the same Lord who has the yield gathered in at the time of the harvest? Indeed! Only Matthew has woven the idea of the separation of the pure grain and the burning of the unfit, the idea which he himself first borrowed from Luke (C. 3, 17.), in a new form into that parable: while the Lord of the field sleeps, the evil enemy sows weeds among the grain, and at the time of harvest both are separated and the weeds are burned.

*) Saunier, op. cit. p. 73.

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In the same place where Mark sees the concluding remark that Jesus spoke in this way to the people in parables, i.e. after the parable of the mustard seed (and leaven) Matthew gives the same remark and sends the Lord home. Here begins a new scene – we can immediately say: the repetition of the previous scene: the disciples ask about the meaning of the parable of the tares, Jesus explains it, then gives the two parables of the treasure and the pearl – parables which illustrate the high value of the kingdom of heaven, for which one must put everything into it – and finally the parable of the net and of the separation of the good and unfit fish – a variation on the theme of the parable of the tares.

All this is too much in itself – aesthetically speaking: this multitude of parables does not fit together into a rounded and easily overlooked whole; considered with regard to the practical purpose: the audience must lose sight and hearing if they are to hear so many parables at once and cannot have a single one thrown at them with its full force. One picture chases away the other and none can be viewed calmly and as its value demands. It is no small defect of the composition that the most diverse substrates are used for the parables: first the fate and growth of the seed, then the leaven, then the treasure that a man finds in a field, then the pearl that a merchant who is looking for it finds, finally the catch of fish: this alternation is far too colourful and incoherent. There is also no coherence in the content: why, after the parable of the sower, is there a parable which deals with the contrast in which the kingdom of heaven develops, and then the parable of the growth of the kingdom of heaven in general? Nor is there any reason why, after the interpretation of the parable of the tares, we should go on to parables in which the high value of the kingdom of heaven is praised, and then again to the parable of the catching of fish, that is, to a parable which has as its object the separation of the opposition at the end of the development of the kingdom of heaven. Finally, the lack of coherence of the content is also demonstrated by the fact that parables in which the kingdom of heaven in general forms the object and then others (the parable of the tares and of the catching of fish) in which the Son of Man is portrayed as acting and bringing about the crisis of perfection *).

*) C. 13, 37. 4!. The presentation of the crisis in the parable of the catch of fish (v. 49) is careless and presupposes the more exact detail in the parable of the tares.

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The confusion has already been explained. The parable of the tares therefore introduces the Son of Man, because it arose as this particular parable from a saying of the Baptist about the Messiah. The Son of Man also appears again in the parable of the catching of fish, at least as the Lord who sends the angels to judge, because this image is a new edition of the parable of the tares. The parable of the leaven is borrowed from Luke; the parables of the treasure and the pearl are an addition from Matthew.

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We are already accustomed to Matthew’s abstract way of presenting us with a mass of similar – but essentially very dissimilar – material: this time, however, the following circumstance would add to this addition. When, after the return home, he has the disciples ask the meaning of the parable of the tares, he is actually, in view of the structure of the passage, only at the point in Mark’ account where the disciples ask the meaning of the parable of the sower; here, however, he sees several more parables following and, in flight, he now also sees to it that, after the interpretation of the parable of the tares, several more parables are recited, which the disciples alone now get to hear, while after Mark only the people are spoken to in parables. But didn’t he himself have the Lord say: I speak to the people in parables? Indeed! The contradiction is so great that it could not even be removed by the following alteration which Matthew made to the original type of the Gospel story.

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